Regime types and regime change: A new dataset on democracy, coups, and political institutions

Bjørnskov, Christian; Rode, Martin

doi:10.1007/s11558-019-09345-1

Cited by 194 publications

(167 citation statements)

References 36 publications

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“…We employ a dummy variable coded by Bjørnskov and Rode (2019), who have updated the democracy dataset by Cheibub et al (2010), to distinguish democracies from autocracies. From the Varieties of Democracy (V-DEM) project, we obtain two indicators for high court and low court judicial independence.…”

Section: -Theory and Data For Explaining Differences Between Perceptimentioning

confidence: 99%

Perception vs. experience: Explaining differences in corruption measures using microdata

Gutmann¹,

Padovano

Voigt³

2020

European Journal of Political Economy

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Understanding corruption is at the heart of treating the dysfunctionality of many countries' public sectors. Yet, most corruption research suffers from one common problem: There is no "objective" measure of public-sector corruption for a cross-section of countries. Most studies on the determinants or the effects of corruption rely on indicators of corruption perception. In recent years, a second type of indicator reflecting stated experiences with bribery has become available. If corruption perception is primarily informed by experience with corruption, these two types of indicators should be very highly correlated. In fact, they are not. This paper deals with the divergence between these two types of corruption indicators. We examine the variation in individual corruption perception that cannot be explained by individual corruption experience alone. We find that both respondent characteristics and country characteristics affect corruption perception beyond what can be explained by individuals' first-hand experience of corruption. Some of these biases may force us to reevaluate results of corruption research that is based on perception data, as well as the anti-corruption policies designed after these results.

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Section: -Theory and Data For Explaining Differences Between Perceptimentioning

confidence: 99%

Perception vs. experience: Explaining differences in corruption measures using microdata

Gutmann¹,

Padovano

Voigt³

2020

European Journal of Political Economy

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“…Note: Whiskers show 90% confidence bands. This plot is based on column (7) of Table 3 and includes democracies as defined by Cheibub et al (2010) and Bjørnskov and Rode (2020) (expected) growth observations. 32 This takes 30 observations out of our sample.…”

Section: Robustness Checksmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Instead of reducing the sample, by removing potential outliers, we can increase it by using a loser definition of when a country is labeled a democracy. When we move to the definition of Cheibub et al (2010) as updated by Bjørnskov and Rode (2020), the number of countries classified as a democracy increases to 110. As the last column of Table 3 and Fig.…”

Section: Robustness Checksmentioning

confidence: 99%

Do expected downturns kill political budget cycles?

Bohn

Sturm

2020

Rev Int Organ

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The political budget cycle (PBC) literature argues that governments expand deficits in election years. However, what happens when an economic downturn is expected? Will the government allow the deficit to expand even further, or will it resort to spending cuts and tax increases? When voters expect less than full automatic stabilization, our model shows that opportunistic government behavior leads to smaller deficits, thereby responding procyclically to expected downturns. Panel data evidence for 74 democracies covering the period 2000-2016 robustly supports the theoretical procyclicality prediction. Moreover, expected downturns remain significant when other context-conditional PBC effects are included in the empirical analysis.

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“…Alternatively, we control for the constitutional constraints in place before the political leader takes office. Two more indicators of interest come from Bjørnskov and Rode's (2019) regime dataset. The first is a de facto indicator of presidentialism.…”

Section: Gauging Effects Of Militant Constitutionalism Empiricallymentioning

confidence: 99%

Militant Constitutionalism – A Promising Concept to Make Constitutional Backsliding Less Likely?

Gutmann

Voigt

2019

SSRN Journal

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Abstract:Constitutional democracy is in decline and many would-be autocrats try to elude constitutional constraints or even to exploit constitutions in their favor. We make a number of proposals for designing constitutions that are more resilient against such attempts. A first look at the empirical evidence, however, is sobering. There is little evidence that many appealing constitutional rules are able to increase constitutional resilience.

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Regime types and regime change: A new dataset on democracy, coups, and political institutions

Cited by 194 publications

References 36 publications

Perception vs. experience: Explaining differences in corruption measures using microdata

Perception vs. experience: Explaining differences in corruption measures using microdata

Do expected downturns kill political budget cycles?

Militant Constitutionalism – A Promising Concept to Make Constitutional Backsliding Less Likely?

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