Conducting research on biographical impacts of participation in the events of May-June 1968 in France means delving into the events' role in processes of political socialization (Tackett, 2006) and renewing study of the formation of intellectual and political generations. For Karl Mannheim, the driving interconnection of a "generational ensemble" lies in its members' exposure to the social and intellectual symptoms of a dynamic destabilization (Mannheim, 1952). But to what extent were the diverse participants in the events of May-June '68 destabilized, and how to account for their possible influence on their trajectories? Do they still carry, 35 years later, traces of their past engagements? And if so, how to objectify them?If these interrogations as yet have but a few responses in France, they are nonetheless in line with Anglophone literature on the biographical consequences of participation in social movements (Andrews, 1991; Valocchi, 2013). They join work begun in the late 1970s questioning what came of student protesters in the United States (Fendrich, 1977; DeMartini, 1983; Marwell, Aiken & Demerath, 1987; Whalen & Flacks 1989 see McAdam, 1999 for reviews). Most are quantitative studies that agree on the persistence of political behaviors particular to the studied former-activist population in comparison to nonengaged populations: "former activists [are] more likely than non-activists to define themselves as politically 'radical,' espouse leftist political attitudes, eschew traditional 1 I would like to thank Juliette Rogers for the translation of this chapter.