2017
DOI: 10.5334/gjgl.299
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Reflexive verbs in Hebrew: Deep unaccusativity meets lexical semantics

Abstract: Reflexive verbs in Modern Hebrew show specific morphological marking: only one of the seven verbal templates in the language can be used for reflexives. Yet this morphological marking also appears on anticausative verbs, which have different syntactic and semantic properties. I provide an analysis of reflexivity in Hebrew which does not make reference to dedicated reflexive morphosyntax. By combining independently needed functional heads, the proposal explains what in the syntax underlies this morphology and h… Show more

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Cited by 11 publications
(14 citation statements)
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References 56 publications
(127 reference statements)
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“…The latter example does not spirantize /b/ to [v]. 44 Kastner (2017), which adapts the original proposal by Doron (2003) to state that an abstract root √ ACTION modifies Voice, forcing an agentive reading. It is √ ACTION that blocks spirantization in the phonology and triggers the correct vowels for the templates currently under discussion, XiY " eZ and hitXaY " eZ.…”
Section: Exceptions By Templatesupporting
confidence: 67%
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“…The latter example does not spirantize /b/ to [v]. 44 Kastner (2017), which adapts the original proposal by Doron (2003) to state that an abstract root √ ACTION modifies Voice, forcing an agentive reading. It is √ ACTION that blocks spirantization in the phonology and triggers the correct vowels for the templates currently under discussion, XiY " eZ and hitXaY " eZ.…”
Section: Exceptions By Templatesupporting
confidence: 67%
“…Unlike in studies that implicitly treat XaYaZ and XiY " eZ as conjugation classes (Temkin Martínez 2008; Temkin Martínez and Müllner 2016; Gouskova 2012), it is worth pointing out that a grammatical difference holds between the two. As discussed by Doron (2003) and Kastner (2017), verbs in XiY " eZ have a itamar@itamarkast.net…”
Section: Exceptions By Templatementioning
confidence: 91%
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“…'In this section, I provide an account of the mechanics of semantic composition in internal possession (section 7.1), applicatives (section 7.2), and, bringing them together, EP via Appl (section 7.3). The account crucially makes use of the technology of delayed saturation , by which an unsaturated thematic role can be introduced by a functional head low in the structure but ultimately saturated by a DP argument merged as the specifier of a higher functional head (Wood 2014, Myler 2014, Wood 2015, Myler 2016, Kastner 2016, 2017, Wood & Marantz 2017). Because the recipient of the “delayed” θ role may also receive a thematic role from the local functional head it merges with (e.g., Appl), a DP may simultaneously receive two θ roles.…”
Section: Assignment Of θ Roles In Possessives and Applicativesmentioning
confidence: 99%