Reduplication in Hawaiian: variations on a theme of minimal word

Alderete, John; MacMillan, Kayleigh

doi:10.1007/s11049-014-9255-7

Cited by 11 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 45 publications

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“…Total reduplication in Acehnese is very straightforward because the reduplicant is generally identical to the stem. This is the characteristic of reduplication in Austronesian languages such as Hawaiian (Alderete & MacMillan, 2015), Papapana (Smith, 2016), Isbukun Bunun (Lin, 2019), and Palembang (Alsamadani & Taibah, 2019), as well as other language families such as Indo-European languages (Rácová & Samko, 2015;Yates & Zukoff, 2018). Acehnese allows open and closed syllables, and no coda deletion has been found in reduplicants.…”

Section: Total Reduplicationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phonology of Acehnese Reduplication: Applying Optimality Theory

Mustafa

2023

LLT Journal

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Reduplication in Acehnese serves many functions such as plurality, reciprocity, emphasis, continuity, and repetitions. This word formation process has been previously analyzed in terms of morphology and traditional phonology. The present study was aimed at discovering constraint ordering of the reduplication to find out the rules which govern each pattern of reduplication in the language. The study employed Correspondence Theory under the umbrella of Optimality Theory, focusing on full and partial reduplication, leaving out rhyming reduplication due to framework limitation. The results show that all patterns of reduplication in Acehnese follow normal application where well-formedness proceeds faithfulness (MAX-IO) and precedes reduplicative identity (MAX-BR). The well-formedness for full reduplication only includes constraint of complex nucleus, where a final diphthong in the base changes to a monophthong in the reduplicant. For partial reduplication, constraint for well-formedness is that the syllable should be open, preceded by reduplicant size of no more than one syllable and alignment (either left for reduplicating prefix or right for reduplicating suffix). The well-formedness is proceeded by no insertion (DEP-BR). This study indicates the need to establish ranking of constraints which govern the phonology of Acehnese outside the context of reduplication, which is suggestion for future studies.

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Section: Total Reduplicationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phonology of Acehnese Reduplication: Applying Optimality Theory

Mustafa

2023

LLT Journal

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“…In order to limit these alternations to derived environments only, I make use of output-output faithfulness (OO-FAITH) with recursive evaluation (e.g. Benua 1997), following the treatment of a similar pattern in Hawaiian by Alderete and MacMillan (2015). Since the reduplicant for intensifying reduplication in Rapa Nui is exactly two moras in length, I posit a constraint RED = FT for convenience.…”

Section: The Correspondence Approach To Reduplicationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Rapa Nui: A Case for Correspondence in Reduplication

Yang

2023

Linguistic Inquiry

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This squib argues for the role of correspondence in reduplication by examining the vowel length alternations in Rapa Nui reduplication. The analysis shows that vowel shortening in the base after reduplication is due to the enforcement of vowel length identity through Base Reduplicant Correspondence, while the motivation of vowel shortening is problematic for theories without surface-to-surface correspondence. The findings suggest that reduplication-phonology interactions cannot be handled solely by serialism or cyclicity, and a parallel Optimality-Theoretic evaluation with BR-correspondence is supported.

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“…The original development of these representations was mainly driven by considerations from stress typology. However, feet also found use in accounting for prosodic morphology, prosodic minimality, reduplication, locus of infixation, truncation, and templatic and root-and-pattern morphology (Broselow 1982;Prince 1986, 1993b;Itô 1990;Mester 1990Mester , 1994Poser 1990;Spring 1990;Crowhurst 1991Crowhurst , 1994Wiese 2001;Bat-El 2005;Alderete and MacMillan 2015). In addition, binary feet have been invoked to describe the domain for a variety of phonological processes (Nespor and Vogel 1986;Dresher and Lahiri 1991;Halle and Kenstowicz 1991;Rice 1992;Kenstowicz 1993;Mester 1994;Hayes 1995;Bennett 2012).…”

Section: Successes and A Challenge For Binary Feetmentioning

confidence: 99%

Layered feet and syllable-integrity violations: The case of Copperbelt Bemba bounded tone spread

Breteler

Kager

2022

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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We identify evidence supporting two amendments to standard metrical theory: the inclusion of layered feet, and the allowance of syllable-integrity violations, where a foot parses some, but not all, of a syllable’s constituents. The evidence comes from a High tone spreading process attested in Copperbelt Bemba (CB), which as reported by Bickmore and Kula (2013) et seq., occurs over a ternary domain. In quintessentially metrical fashion, the domain is sensitive to the presence and position of heavy syllables. Thus, we argue that metrical theory should take the CB data into account.CB ternary spreading can occur in contexts with an abundance of unparsed syllables on either side of the domain. We argue that this property is problematic for ‘Weak Layering’ accounts using binary feet (McCarthy and Prince 1986; Hayes 1995), which revolve around the minimal presence of unparsed syllables. We propose an alternative account using layered feet (Martínez-Paricio and Kager 2015), specifying an inner quantity-sensitive iamb and a strictly monomoraic adjunct. We show that a principled characterization of the spreading domain is that tone associates to all and only footed moras. We argue that a metrical analysis provides a more principled account of the data than can be achieved by Bickmore and Kula’s purely autosegmental analysis.Finally, we show that foot-based accounts of CB ternary spreading predict syllable-integrity violations (SIVs), where parsing consumes only the first of two tautosyllabic moras. Contrary to the common view that SIVs are universally disallowed, we embrace this result and put it in a typological context. We adopt an Optimality Theory constraint set to model SIVs (Kager and Martínez-Paricio 2018b), and extend it, paving the way for a typological investigation of SIVs.

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Reduplication in Hawaiian: variations on a theme of minimal word

Cited by 11 publications

References 45 publications

Phonology of Acehnese Reduplication: Applying Optimality Theory

Phonology of Acehnese Reduplication: Applying Optimality Theory

Rapa Nui: A Case for Correspondence in Reduplication

Layered feet and syllable-integrity violations: The case of Copperbelt Bemba bounded tone spread

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