Reduplicating verbs in North-West Germanic

Voyles, Joseph Β.

doi:10.1016/0024-3841(80)90020-0

Cited by 11 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…3 Bisherige Theorien (2) Voyles (1980) und Fulk (1987) »New cluster rule« setzt voraus, dass sowohl die an. Formen, die man meistens als auf Verba pura beschränkte analogische Neubildungen nach an.…”

Section: Altsächsischunclassified

Die Ablaute der 7. Reihe starker Verben im Nord- und Westgermanischen – Ursprung und Unterschiede in den Einzelsprachen

2012

Beiträge Zur Geschichte Der Deutschen Sprache Und Literatur

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The Germanic accent shift led to the formation of new ablauts in reduplicating verbs with vocalic initials in North and West Germanic languages. These new ablauts then spread over the subclasses to which these verbs belonged on account of the inseparable relation between ablauts and stem forms. Based on reinterpretation of the relation between the newer monosyllabic and the older disyllabic past stems further ablauts were formed analogically by omitting the former root initials and contraction in the other subclasses. The differences of new ablauts among the languages are mainly due to the ablaut ē 1/ō of verba pura, vowel changes before and after contraction and analogical leveling.

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Section: Altsächsischunclassified

Die Ablaute der 7. Reihe starker Verben im Nord- und Westgermanischen – Ursprung und Unterschiede in den Einzelsprachen

2012

Beiträge Zur Geschichte Der Deutschen Sprache Und Literatur

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“…Eine auffällige Variante der lexikalistischen Auffassung bieten einige Autoren, die aufgrund ihrer diachron motivierten Erwartungen eine Fortsetzung von indogermanisch */e/, also i.d.R. gotisch /i/, im Reduplikanten erwarten, auch wenn sie, wie Vennemann (1971) oder Voyles (1980), die Reduplikation als synchrones morphologisches Verfahren verstehen. Vennemann (1971: 126) setzt /i/ als synchronen Reduplikationsvokal an, der aufgrund einer grammatischen Regel immer durch das in 6 Diachrone Erklärungen sind prinzipiell möglich (und wünschenswert), in unserem Zusammenhang aber zunächst nicht relevant.…”

Section: Gotisch Und Die Basisgrammatikunclassified

Die Indogermanische Perfektreduplikation

Keydana¹

2007

Folia Linguistica

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Indo-European reduplication patterns have always been reconstructed by comparing reduplicated forms in attested languages. In this paper I will argue that what actually has to be compared are not individual forms but grammars. To demonstrate this approach I will develop reduplication grammars in an optimality theoretic framework for Gothic, Latin, Greek, and Old Indic. Based on these grammars a possible Indo-European reduplication grammar will be reconstructed. I will argue that the behaviour of consonants in reduplication is straightforward. The one exception are onset clusters with initial s, which are claimed to be monosegmental in the Germanic languages and in Latin, whereas s is treated as extrasyllabic in Greek, Old Indic and possibly Indo-European. Laryngeals pose no problem to reduplication grammar when they are taken to be fricatives. Only Attic reduplication remains as a crux. Of great interest from a theoretical point of view is the nucleus of the reduplicant, as I will show that in most of the cases discussed in this paper it is neither unmarked nor dependent on vocalic specifications of the base. This fact can only be accommodated by assuming a templatic reduplicative morpheme with a fully specified vowel. The Indo-European data are therefore a serious challenge to the often claimed universal validity of Base-Reduplicant Identity and The Emergence of The Unmarked in reduplication patterns. As a consequence the Indo-European evidence calls into question the concept of Correspondence in OT-phonology.

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“…(20) At least one widely cited but in our view unsatisfactory nonlaryngeal account of e 2 has been proposed in van Coetsem (1956). The theory is critiqued in Voyles (1981). (21) This view has been called into question by Vennemann (1984).…”

Section: Endnotesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…forms which were retained in Gothic. Such a theory has been worked out in some detail in Voyles (1980) and along similar lines in Fulk (1987). We can give here only the basic structure of the theory.…”

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Laryngeals in Germanic

Voyles

1989

Am. J. Ger. Linguist. Lit.

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The influence of IE laryngeal segments and their physical presence in early Germanic have frequently been adduced to explain some five classes of problematic phenomena of the early Gmc. languages. These problems are: first, that of the past forms of the seventh-class strong verbs; second, the so-called Verscharfung; third, the Gmc. e r -vowel; fourth, the e-to-/ change; and finally, various Gmc. etymologies. The laryngeal explanations of these five phenomena are deficient and alternative explanations are preferable. Therefore, there exists no hard evidence for the presence of laryngeal segments in later pre-Gmc. Indo-European nor in early Germanic.

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Reduplicating verbs in North-West Germanic

Cited by 11 publications

References 14 publications

Die Ablaute der 7. Reihe starker Verben im Nord- und Westgermanischen – Ursprung und Unterschiede in den Einzelsprachen

Die Ablaute der 7. Reihe starker Verben im Nord- und Westgermanischen – Ursprung und Unterschiede in den Einzelsprachen

Die Indogermanische Perfektreduplikation

Laryngeals in Germanic

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