2013
DOI: 10.1111/1467-968x.12038
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Reduplicated demonstratives in ancient Indo‐European languages

Abstract: This paper discusses the occurrence of reduplicated demonstrative pronouns in the older Indo‐European languages and analyses their usage in the light of general linguistic insights into reduplication and demonstrative pronouns. The main aim is to find out whether the attested and reconstructed reduplicated demonstratives were inherited from Proto‐Indo‐European or arose at a later stage in the individual branches. I will discuss evidence from Sanskrit, Ancient Greek, the ancient Italic languages (Latin and the … Show more

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Cited by 2 publications
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“…In a similar vein, Berenguer (2000) concludes that the particles based on *p-must have been used to emphasize or reinforce the preceding element. We agree with de Vaan (2013) in that the non-morphemic -p-is the weakest hypothesis within this context due to the existing comparative evidence. The individuation of a -pe-morpheme let us compare animacy, topicality, and grammatical features in other derivations without that morpheme or its cognates, such as Vedic ayám sá 'this one' < *(h 1 )is-plus *só- (Dunkel 2014, p. 371).…”
Section: Ipsesupporting
confidence: 86%
“…In a similar vein, Berenguer (2000) concludes that the particles based on *p-must have been used to emphasize or reinforce the preceding element. We agree with de Vaan (2013) in that the non-morphemic -p-is the weakest hypothesis within this context due to the existing comparative evidence. The individuation of a -pe-morpheme let us compare animacy, topicality, and grammatical features in other derivations without that morpheme or its cognates, such as Vedic ayám sá 'this one' < *(h 1 )is-plus *só- (Dunkel 2014, p. 371).…”
Section: Ipsesupporting
confidence: 86%