Red State Blues

Grossmann, Matt

doi:10.1017/9781108569187

Cited by 12 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 215 publications

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“…The total number of antiprotest bills introduced across the states during this period was 150, with 27 bills passed and signed by the states' governors. Missouri had the largest number of such bills introduced (14), followed by Minnesota (10) and Virginia (9). As to the passage of bills, both North Dakota and South Dakota marked the highest number (4 bills passed in each state).…”

Section: Dependent Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…4 This was not a one-shot victory: "From 1990 to 2016," writes Grossmann, "Republicans gained 813 state house seats, 360 state senate seats, and 23 governorships-moving from full control of just three states to full control of 23 states." 5 The second decade of the twenty-first century marked a full-scale Republican takeover of state legislatures and governorships.…”

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confidence: 99%

“…Republican-controlled state governments have not reduced the size or scope of state governments, overcome long-standing state idiosyncracies in policy and practice, reversed liberal gains, or enacted a substantive policy agenda that advances conservative values and goals. 9 There are a number of possible reasons for what Grossmann calls "Red State Blues," from the path-dependent growth of the size of government, to the "professionalization revolution" in state government, to the growing complexity of state lawmaking institutions, to term limits and to interest group developments that favor status-quo-supporting sectors such as business and teacher associations, hospitals, utility companies, law firms, insurance companies, and local governments. 10 But there is another possible reason for the disagreement among political scientists over the policy impact of GOP gains in state politics: a general decline in public attention to state politics.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Suppression by Stealth: The Partisan Response to Protest in State Legislatures

Suh

Tarrow

2021

Politics & Society

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Many scholars have investigated the relationship between protest and repression. Less often examined is the legislative suppression of protest by elites seeking to make protest more costly to protesters. Because state legislatures are largely invisible to the public, this “wholesale” suppression of protest is less likely to trigger public opposition than repression by the police. This study explains the sharp increase in the number and the severity of state legislative bills to repress the right to protest both before and after the election of Donald Trump. In particular, it examines whether these can be attributed either to Republican control of state legislatures or to protest threat. Contrary to the findings in much of the literature, bills aimed at suppressing protest are less closely related to threat than to the realignment of state politics. The article also finds that these proposals were influenced by diffusion through policy brokerage.

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Section: Dependent Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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confidence: 99%

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confidence: 99%

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Suppression by Stealth: The Partisan Response to Protest in State Legislatures

Suh

Tarrow

2021

Politics & Society

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Who passes restrictive labour policy? A view from the States

Bucci

Jansa

2020

J. Pub. Pol.

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What leads states to adopt more restrictive labour policies? The conventional wisdom is that unified Republican states, with help from conservative political networks, are more likely to adopt restrictions on labour unions. We argue that party control of government matters but is constrained by voter preferences and the power of organised labour. We create new estimates of state-level public support for unions by income thirds using dynamic multilevel regression and poststratification. Using this measure, we predict the adoption of restrictive labour policies, such as right-to-work and minimum wage preemption laws. We find that Republican governments are less likely to adopt restrictive policies when unions are strong and when union support among middle- and low-income earners is high. Interestingly, these results run contrary to much of the literature on the unequal representation of the wealthy in public policy.

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The politics of pain: Medicaid expansion, the ACA and the opioid epidemic

Shepherd

2022

J. Pub. Pol.

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Federalism allows state politicians opportunities to undermine or support for federal policies. As a result, voters often have varied impressions of the same federal programmes. To test how this dynamic affects voting behaviour, I gather data on the severity of the opioid epidemic from 2006–2016. I exploit discontinuities between states that expanded Medicaid and those that did not to gain causal leverage over whether expansion affected the severity of the epidemic and whether these policy effects affected policy feedback. I show that the decision to expand Medicaid reduced the severity of the opioid epidemic. I also show that expanding Medicaid and subsequent reductions in the severity of the opioid epidemic increased support for the Democratic Party. The results imply that the Republican Party performed better in places where voters did not have access to Medicaid expansion and where the epidemic worsened, demonstrating an unintended consequence of federalism on policy feedback.

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Red State Blues

Cited by 12 publications

References 215 publications

Suppression by Stealth: The Partisan Response to Protest in State Legislatures

Suppression by Stealth: The Partisan Response to Protest in State Legislatures

Who passes restrictive labour policy? A view from the States

The politics of pain: Medicaid expansion, the ACA and the opioid epidemic

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