Reconstruction of birth histories using children ever born and children surviving data from the 1900 and 1910 U.S. censuses

Racial residential segregation and child mortality in the southern United States at the turn of the 20th century

“…We begin by constructing complete birth histories of currently married women in the 1900 and 1910 IPUMS complete‐count datasets according to the methods detailed by Luther and Cho (1988) and Hacker (2020). Our restriction to children born to married couples allowed us to include father's occupation, employment, weeks unemployed, homeownership, and literacy in our descriptive analysis and as covariates in our models.…”

“… Note : The analytical dataset includes White and Black children born in the 5 years before each census, whose mothers were: (i) enumerated with valid children ever born and children surviving data; (ii) enumerated in a residence location that could be clearly identified as urban or rural; (iii) currently married at the time of the census; (iv) living in a southern census region; (v) living in a census enumeration district with five or more Black and five or more White‐headed households; (vi) in marriages having a duration of five or more years; and (vii) living in the same household as their husbands. See Hacker (2020) for details on the reconstruction of women's complete birth histories. The proportional values shown indicate the proportion of children born in the 5 years before each census who died before the date of the census, while the values in parentheses indicate the percentage of children in each category.…”

“…More importantly, our selection criteria allow us to reduce potential bias from unobserved migration and potential endogeneity between segregation and mortality. Details of the imputation procedure—which relies on each mother's age, the ages of her coresident children, the age intervals between her surviving children, age‐specific fertility rates of women in her birth cohort, age‐specific mortality rates for children by birth cohort, age‐specific rates of children leaving home, and other characteristics of the mother and her spouse to probabilistically assign birth years to deceased and non‐coresident children—are provided elsewhere (Hacker, 2020; Luther & Cho, 1988). Briefly, because reconstructed birth histories rely on more information, including large age gaps between surviving children suggestive of the birth of a child who died before the census, they result in a better estimate of when deceased children were born, when they were exposed to the risk of death, and when they died.…”

In the Name of the Father? Fertility, Religion, and Child Naming in the Demographic Transition

“…From 1860 to 1940, the aver age num ber of live births per mar ried woman in Britain fell from six to two (Szreter 1996). Despite decades of research across many countries, vibrant inves ti ga tions into the fer til ity decline con tinue (Beach and Hanlon 2019;Hacker 2020;Hacker and Roberts 2017;Jaadla et al 2020;Klüsener et al 2019).Thiscon tin uedworkreflectsthemanyunansweredques tions of how and why fer til ity rates decline, aided by the novel insights enabled by improv ing data sources (e.g., Ruggles et al 2020).…”

In the name of the father? Fertility, religion and child naming in the demographic transition

“…From 1860 to 1940, the average number of live births per married woman in Britain fell from six to two (Szreter, 1996). Despite decades of research across many countries, vibrant investigation into the fertility decline continues (Beach & Hanlon, 2019;Hacker, 2020;Hacker & Roberts, 2017;Jaadla et al, 2020;Klüsener et al, 2019). This continued work reflects the many unanswered questions of how and why fertility rates decline, aided by the novel insights enabled by improving data sources (e.g.…”