Rebuilding Authority: The Party's Relationship with Its Grassroots Organizations

Mittelstaedt, Jean Christopher

doi:10.1017/s0305741021000746

Cited by 9 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…However, very few research have been done to investigate the mechanisms behind the influence of the party branch. Party branches often do not participate directly in the administration of private businesses; instead, they influence and control businesses through indirect channels such as political propaganda (Mittelstaedt, 2021). Because of this, it is important to take into account the relevant mediating effects in order to understand the function and impact mechanism of the party branch embedded in private enterprises.…”

Section: Social Embeddedness Signaling and Mediation Effectsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Party branches, policy perception and corporate social responsibility: Evidence from Chinese private enterprises

Yao

Zhang

2023

Front. Psychol.

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IntroductionParty branches embedded in private enterprises are a unique phenomenon in the Chinese economy, but few studies have focused on the economic consequences. We hope to explore the impact of party branches on small and medium-sized private enterprises’ corporate social responsibility (CSR) in China in order to fill the gaps in current research.MethodsData were used from the 11th Chinese Private Enterprise Survey (CPES) in 2014. The study uses the methodology of fixed effect model, mediation analysis and moderation analysis. Moreover, propensity score matching and Heckman two-step method deal with the endogeneity problem and check the robustness of the results.ResultsWe find that, first, the embedding of party branches will improve the CSR performance of private enterprises in various dimensions by enhancing the perception of private enterprises in policy; second, in various influence pathways, the party branches will enhance the perceptions of policy related to economic interests, which has a more significant impact on enhancing the performance of philanthropic CSR. Further research reveals that business owners’ first-given and later-generated political connections support the party branches’ perception of policies related to economic and social interests, respectively.DiscussionThe findings suggest that political intervention by China’s ruling party in private firms promotes CSR performance, but this is influenced by the political connections of the firm owners. In addition to providing empirical support for the study of corporate behavior in the Chinese context, this paper identifies the impact and development trajectory of the party branches of China’s ruling party on CSR. However, this paper does not discuss the implicit costs required for party branches to promote CSR, and we hope that future research will make further explorations.

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Section: Social Embeddedness Signaling and Mediation Effectsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Party branches, policy perception and corporate social responsibility: Evidence from Chinese private enterprises

Yao

Zhang

2023

Front. Psychol.

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“…Over the past fifteen years, party building efforts have been made to increase and strengthen the party's presence across Chinese society (Li, 2019; McGregor, 2010; Shambaugh, 2008; Thornton, 2012, and her article in this special issue). Xi Jinping has further accelerated this process, increasing the direct political and administrative role of the party, strengthening its presence and grip on government, the army, the judicial system, civil society, and business (Economy, 2018; Grünberg and Drinhausen, 2019; Koss, 2021b; Leutert and Eaton, 2021; Lin and Milhaupt, 2021; McGregor, 2019; Mittelstaedt, 2021; Pieke, 2018; Yan and Huang, 2017).…”

Section: Organising Power: Regulating Ccp Party Building At Home and ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Chinese Communist Party as a Global Force

Pieke

2022

Journal of Current Chinese Affairs

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The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is currently in the throes of redefining itself as not just China's ruling party, but also as the dominant political force of global China. Following the path of Chinese globalisation, this project overlaps with – but is different from – China's much maligned strategy of influencing and interfering in the society and politics of other countries. The principal aim of the CCP's global extension is not to meddle in the affairs of other countries, but (?) tying Chinese people, goods, money, business, and institutions that have ventured abroad back into the strategy and domestic system of China and the CCP. The article shows that China's emerging superpower is informed both by China's unique pattern of globalisation and the CCP's own understanding of the nature, aims, and modalities of its rule, which can only partially be compared to those of earlier superpowers.

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“…This can be achieved by its employees' joining the CPC and setting up Party branches. As the smallest unit of the CPC at the grassroots level, the Party branch connects and educates existing members and recruits new members (Mittelstaedt, 2021).…”

Section: Non-market Strategies In Chinamentioning

confidence: 99%

Politics, rumors and identity: how does a domestic firm challenge an MNE in the non-market environment amidst home–host political hostility?

Tzeng

2022

MBR

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Purpose Prior studies of competitive dynamics in emerging economies restricted their attention to how the multinational enterprise (MNE) initiates actions against the domestic firm in the market environment with no regard for the home-host relations. By contrast, this study aims to investigate how the domestic firm challenges the MNE in the non-market environment when there is home–host political hostility. Design/methodology/approach The authors conducted a case study of non-market rivalry between an MNE from the Taiwan region and a domestic firm on the Chinese mainland in the period 2004–2008. Findings Riding the home–host political hostility, the domestic firm mounted political tactics against the MNE on two fronts. It lobbied the government for identity-targeted policy changes, which demanded state-funded clients buy only from domestic suppliers. It also unethically spread identity-targeted political rumors to vilify the MNE in the local society. The MNE defended itself against the unfavorable policy by engaging in identity work of restructuring its distribution channels to conceal its “foreign” (non-domestic) identity. To fight off the rumors, it built a corporate citizen identity by identity work of aligning corporate social responsibility and research and development with local policy priorities. Originality/value The authors broaden the concept of competitive aggressiveness to include non-market actions, particularly unethical ones targeting a rival’s identity. The authors contribute to identity work scholarship by pinpointing an unrecognized phenomenon – high-effort identity work, used by the MNE as a defensive response. The emergent findings develop a moral perspective on non-market rivalry.

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Rebuilding Authority: The Party's Relationship with Its Grassroots Organizations

Cited by 9 publications

References 21 publications

Party branches, policy perception and corporate social responsibility: Evidence from Chinese private enterprises

Party branches, policy perception and corporate social responsibility: Evidence from Chinese private enterprises

The Chinese Communist Party as a Global Force

Politics, rumors and identity: how does a domestic firm challenge an MNE in the non-market environment amidst home–host political hostility?

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