“…For example, young and old adults have been shown to exhibit qualitatively similar priming effects in word recognition (e.g., Bowles & Poon, 1985;Burke, White, & Diaz, 1987;Burke & Yee, 1984;Cerella & Fozard, 1984;Chiarello, Church, & Hoyer, 1985;Howard, 1983;Howard, Lasaga, & McAndrews, 1980;Howard, McAndrews, & Lasaga, 1981;Howard, Shaw, & Heisey, 1986;Madden, 1986), to have similar patterns of word associations (e.g., Burke & Peters, 1986;How-ard, 1980;Lovelace & Cooley, 1982;Scialfa & Margolis, 1986), to exhibit release from proactive inhibition under the same types of shifts in to-be-remembered items (e.g., Elias & Hirasuna, 1976;Mistler-Lachman, 1977;Puglisi, 1980), and to be similar in their sensitivity to, or use of, scripts (Light & Anderson, 1983) and schemata or prototypes (e.g., Hess & Slaughter, 1986). There is also considerable evidence that young and older adults are similarly affected by manipulations that can be presumed to reflect structural properties such as category typicality (e.g., Byrd, 1984;Eysenck, 1975;Mueller, Kausler, Faherty, & Olivieri, 1980), word frequency (e.g., Bowles & Poon, 1981;Poon & Fozard, 1980;Thomas, Fozard, & Waugh, 1977), and acoustic versus semantic relatedness of task material (e.g., Petros, Zehr, & Chabot, 1983). An implication from results such as these is that aging does not fundamentally alter the nature of one's cognitive structure, but that it merely reduces the efficiency of processing within that structure.…”