Re-Importing the ‘Robust Turn’ in UN Peacekeeping: Internal Public Security Missions of Brazil’s Military

Harig, Christoph

doi:10.1080/13533312.2018.1554442

Cited by 32 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 31 publications

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“…The state-centric character of stabilisation also has another implication: because of its pragmatic approach, stabilisation brings closer on the one hand Western practices and discourses of post-conflict intervention, and on the other efforts to ensure stability carried out by national governments of states affected by armed violence. Some countries and regional organisations in the Global South (for instance, Brazil and the African Union) have explicitly adopted stabilisation, while also reinterpreting and readapting it, others have developed policies inspired by stabilisation, but avoided using the term (ie Mexico), and still others have crafted the rhetoric of stabilisation on existing domestic COIN policies (Pakistan and Sri Lanka) (Muggah 2013;Dersso 2016;Harig 2019). In spite of this wide range of cases, there are comparatively few studies about how national governments beyond NATO countries adopt, appropriate or contribute to the development of stabilisation doctrines and how this approach shapes peacebuilding outcomes.…”

Section: Reconstructing War-torn States: From Liberal Peacebuilding To 'Stabilisation'?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, in spite of these countries' stated commitment to an integrated approach and to use stabilisation to improve the well-being of vulnerable populations, existing research offers evidence supporting the views of those who fear that stabilisation might lead to excessive securitisation. Christoph Harig, for instance, has shown how Brazilian participation in UN stabilisation and the subsequent adoption of stabilisation at home has encouraged the internal deployment of the army for law-and-order purposes (Harig 2019). In investigating the Mexico-US partnership to tackle Mexican drug cartels, Sebastián Albuja argues that, in spite of the inclusive stabilisation approach promised, it has ended up focussing in practice on military action (Albuja 2013, 178).…”

Section: Reconstructing War-torn States: From Liberal Peacebuilding To 'Stabilisation'?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Critics of stabilisation argue that the rebranding of post-conflict interventions as stabilisation is leading to an increasing focus on security at the expense of broader peacebuilding needs and a reduced commitment to support peace negotiations (Karlsrud 2019;Belloni and Moro 2019;Curran and Holtom 2015;Gilder 2019;Mac Ginty 2012). However, while numerous scholarly publications investigate stabilisation ARTICLE HISTORY in the context of UN peace operations and European and North American post-conflict interventions, there has been little discussion until now -with some exceptions (Harig 2019;Muggah 2013) -about how post-conflict countries affected by political and criminal violence have themselves engaged with the discourse and practices of stabilisation and, in some cases, even contributed to their development. Consequently, the implications of the embracement of stabilisation for these countries have also not been analysed in depth.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The turn from peacebuilding to stabilisation: Colombia after the 2018 presidential election

Piccolino

Ruette-Orihuela

2021

Third World Quarterly

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Although stabilisation has been widely debated by the recent literature, there has been relatively little discussion about how the governments of countries affected by armed violence have themselves engaged with the concept. This article looks at Colombia where, since the election of president Iván Duque in 2018, the government has increasingly emphasised stabilisation. We argue that stabilisation is for the Duque administration a discursive device that allows them to navigate the contradiction between their critical position towards the peace process and the necessity to fulfil internal and international obligations. We also argue that, in spite of its apparent novelty, the concept of stabilisation has long roots in Colombia, going back to the policies of consolidation developed under the presidencies of Álvaro Uribe and Juan Manuel Santos. The analysis of the antecedents of consolidation raises doubts about the appropriateness of Duque's stabilisation for tackling Colombia's post-conflict challenges. The case of Colombia highlights the risk that stabilisation might displace more transformative approaches to peacebuilding and the continuity between contemporary stabilisation and previous interventions.

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Section: Reconstructing War-torn States: From Liberal Peacebuilding To 'Stabilisation'?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Reconstructing War-torn States: From Liberal Peacebuilding To 'Stabilisation'?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The turn from peacebuilding to stabilisation: Colombia after the 2018 presidential election

Piccolino

Ruette-Orihuela

2021

Third World Quarterly

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“…De volta para casa, muitos se convenceram de que o exército deveria se engajar em missões similares às da ONU, mas no plano doméstico. Por outro lado, cresce a demanda de missões de "Garantia da Lei e da Ordem" por políticos desejosos de mostrar uma mão dura em todo o país, o que por sua vez, fortaleceu o poder de barganha dos militares (Harig, 2018). Barrado como vice de Bolsonaro por seu partido, Heleno se serve deste repertório para comandar o Gabinete de Segurança da Presidência da República, órgão diretamente vinculado à presidência e responsável pelos serviços de inteligência.…”

Section: C) O Caso Brasileirounclassified

Por que a onda progressista não abriu caminho para um mundo melhor?

Santos

Feldmann

2021

RFM

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Diante do agravamento de problemas econômicos e sociais no contexto da pandemia, em que há um «revival» keynesiano nos países industrializados, este artigo questiona se faz sentido reviver o progressismo como uma alternativa civilizatória na América Latina. O texto faz o seguinte movimento. Incialmente, problematiza-se a ideologia do progresso. Em seguida, sobrevoa-se a situação de diferentes países latino-americanos no contexto que antecedeu a pandemia do coronavírus, para explorar a hipótese de esgotamento do progresssismo. Ao contrário de explicar o momento político atual como uma reação a avanços precedentes, sugere-se que a tentativa de conter o processo histórico de dessocialização nos marcos da crise estrutural do capitalismo implicou no recurso a práticas, dispositivos e políticas que terminaram acelerando este mesmo processo, que é detalhado no caso brasileiro. As noções de «contenção aceleracionista», «progressivismo regressivo» e «neoliberalismo inclusivo» são as chaves propostas para examinar as contradições do progressivismo e entender porque a onda progressista não abriu caminho para um mundo melhor. O texto se encerra com um paralelo entre as expectativas de um retorno keynesiano no contexto da pandemia e os limites do horizonte civilizatório progressista para enfrentar os problemas estruturais agravados por esta situação inédita.

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“…At the same time, demand was growing for "guarantee of law and order" missions by politicians willing to wield a heavy hand over the country. This in turn strengthened the military's bargaining power (Harig, 2018). Blocked by his party from becoming Bolsonaro's deputy, Heleno has used his previous experience to command the president's security cabinet, an agency directly linked to the presidency and responsible for intelligence services.…”

Section: Containment As Accelerating Desocialization: the Brazilian Casementioning

confidence: 99%

Doctor or Monster? The Pink Tide and Its Aftermath

Santos¹,

Feldmann²

2021

Latin American Perspectives

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The recent evolution of capitalism has shifted the ground on which developmentalism stood as a civilizing utopia in Latin America, making the neodevelopmentalism that inspired different nuances of progressivism in the twenty-first century an idea “out of place.” Starting from this premise, the notions of progressivism as regression and containment as accelerating desocialization form the foundations of an interpretation of the Pink Tide that emphasizes the contradictions inherent in its own dynamics, which reinforced the neoliberal rationale. The attempt to govern social tensions through containment of the ongoing dissociative movement did not stop the regression of the structure of production and the intensification of a self-destructive social dynamic. Progressivism is revealed as a political rationale that is different from but not contradictory to its opponents in a reality in which capital governs as a totalizing extraparliamentary force. A evolução recente do capitalismo modificou as bases materiais que davam sentido ao desenvolvimentismo como utopia civilizatória na América Latina, tornando o neodesenvolvimentismo que inspirou diferentes nuances de progressismo no século XXI, uma ideia fora do lugar. A partir desta premissa, são discutidas as noções de progressismo como regressão e de contenção como aceleracion de dissocializacion, como alicerces de uma interpretação da onda progressista que enfatiza as contradições inerentes à sua própria dinâmica que reforçou a razão neoliberal. A pretensão de governar as tensões sociais por meio de políticas de contenção do movimento dissocializante em curso não evitou a regressão da estrutura produtiva e o aprofundamento de uma dinâmica social autofágica. O progressismo revela-se como uma racionalidade política diferente, mas não contraditória em relação aos seus opositores em uma realidade em que o capital se impõe como uma força extra-parlamentar totalizante.

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Re-Importing the ‘Robust Turn’ in UN Peacekeeping: Internal Public Security Missions of Brazil’s Military

Cited by 32 publications

References 31 publications

The turn from peacebuilding to stabilisation: Colombia after the 2018 presidential election

The turn from peacebuilding to stabilisation: Colombia after the 2018 presidential election

Por que a onda progressista não abriu caminho para um mundo melhor?

Doctor or Monster? The Pink Tide and Its Aftermath

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