2014
DOI: 10.1163/22138617-12340064
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Re-defining the Balance of Power in Lebanon: Sunni and Shiites Communities Transformations, the Regional Context and the Arab Uprisings

Abstract: The paper analyzes the transformations occurred in the two most active and relevant communities in Lebanon after the end of the civil war, namely the Sunni and the Shiites, in the light of Arab uprisings and of the changes in the regional balance of power. If the meta-narrative of the ‘sectarianization’ of the Middle East, especially after 2011, has powered the interpretation of the regional events as marked by the struggle between Sunni and Shiites, the analysis of the transformations of the above mentioned c… Show more

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Cited by 8 publications
(3 citation statements)
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“…Over this time, Lebanon has been the site of much instability under a corruption-laden and absent-present state (Hajjar, 2009). Meanwhile, an unchecked project of neoliberal Westernisation and economic dependency with a market-led approach dominant since the nation's very constitution has resulted in growing inequalities across the country (Baumann, 2017;Peri, 2014). 1 Much scholarship on Lebanon has focused on economic, sectarian, and citizenship-based inequalities, with gender and disability receiving growing attention over the past years (Chatty et al, 2013;Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2020;Harb and Rouhana, 2020;Makdisi and Marktanner, 2009;Tlaiss and Kauser, 2019).…”
Section: Lebanon: Formation Discriminations and Urban Modernitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Over this time, Lebanon has been the site of much instability under a corruption-laden and absent-present state (Hajjar, 2009). Meanwhile, an unchecked project of neoliberal Westernisation and economic dependency with a market-led approach dominant since the nation's very constitution has resulted in growing inequalities across the country (Baumann, 2017;Peri, 2014). 1 Much scholarship on Lebanon has focused on economic, sectarian, and citizenship-based inequalities, with gender and disability receiving growing attention over the past years (Chatty et al, 2013;Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2020;Harb and Rouhana, 2020;Makdisi and Marktanner, 2009;Tlaiss and Kauser, 2019).…”
Section: Lebanon: Formation Discriminations and Urban Modernitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The brokerage of the Doha Agreement represented an outstanding political victory for Hezbollah which, by de facto imposing by force its agenda on Lebanese policy‐making, reached the triple goal of securing veto power to its coalition regardless of the concrete balances of power expressed by the future electoral bailouts, safeguard its right to retain weapons, and unlocking the political stalemate which had been paralyzing the country since the Syrian withdrawal (Di Peri 2014). The unlocking was symbolized by the party's dismantlement of the i'tisam on May 25, within the framework of a broader discursive strategy countering the accusation of having staged a soft coup against the same Lebanese citizens by framing the May 7 events as an extreme but necessary escalation performed for the sake of Lebanon.…”
Section: Clashing At the Edges: Shia Counter‐revolution And The Spect...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Lebanon survives through a delicate confessional power balance between its three main religious constituencies (Christian Maronites, Sunni Muslims, and Shia Muslims) as it continues to navigate multiple lines of global division under a weak state with an ongoing project of neo-liberal westernisation (Hajjar 2009;Hermez 2015;Hakim 2013;Peri 2014). In this respect, sectarianism is often offered as the standard lens to analyse Lebanon's various problems, contradictions, and instability where Sunni-Shia divisions have increasingly attracted attention (Baytiyeh 2017;Bray Collins 2016;Cammett 2014;Gade 2017).…”
Section: Context: Lebanon Identity and Religionmentioning
confidence: 99%