Rate effects on Swedish VOT: Evidence for phonological overspecification

Beckman, Jill N.; Helgason, Pétur; McMurray, Bob; Ringen, Catherine

doi:10.1016/j.wocn.2010.11.001

Cited by 73 publications

(128 citation statements)

References 36 publications

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“…For fortis stops in this study, there was a slope of .05ms VOT/ms word length. However, in the study by Magloire and Green (1999), English had a slope of .27ms VOT/ms word length, Pind (1995) reported a slope of .15ms VOT/ms word length for Icelandic aspirated stops, and Beckman et al (2011) reported a slope of .10 ms VOT/ms word length for aspirated Swedish stops. There was a slope of -.13ms VOT/ms word length for lenis stops in this study, compared to a slope of -.45ms VOT/ms for Spanish prevoiced stops (Magloire & Green 1999) and -.27ms VOT/ms for Swedish prevoiced stops (Beckman et al 2011).…”

Section: Languagementioning

confidence: 78%

“…Speech rate is an articulatory factor that has been shown to affect the range of VOT values of entire categories (Kessinger & Blumstein 1996, Beckman, Helgason, McMurray, & Ringen 2011. If a language contrasts two phonologically specified categories, as is suggested for Central Standard Swedish (Helgason & Ringen 2008), it is expected that VOT will increase in both categories as speaking rate decreases, as has been shown for CS Swedish (Beckman et al 2011).…”

Section: Short-lag Vot (Voiceless Unaspirated)mentioning

confidence: 97%

“…Beckman et al (2011) tested this for Swedish and found that at a slow speaking rate, the duration of prevoicing increased in lenis stops, just as the long-lag VOT increased in fortis stops (Table 4). If SAE does contrast a phonologically specified aspirated category with a phonologically specified voiced category, the VOT durations in both categories are expected to increase as speaking rate decreases.…”

Section: Fastmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…If SAE does contrast a phonologically specified aspirated category with a phonologically specified voiced category, the VOT durations in both categories are expected to increase as speaking rate decreases. Kessinger & Blumstein (1997): Prevoicing Short-lag VOT Long-lag VOT French (2-way contrast) increases unaffected German (2-way contrast) unaffected increases Thai (3-way contrast) increases unaffected increases Beckman et al (2011): Swedish (2-way contrast) increases increases Table 4. Effects of speaking rate on voicing categories in French, German, Thai, and Swedish.…”

Section: Fastmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Rate effects on Southern American English VOT

Morris

2018

Proc Ling Soc Amer

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Abstract. This study examines the effect of speaking rate on VOT durations of initial stops in Southern American English (SAE). English is claimed to have a twoway contrast between long-lag (fortis) and short-lag (lenis) stops, but lenis stops in SAE have been shown to be produced with prevoicing rather than short-lag VOT. This study examines whether SAE lenis stops are specified for privative voice or if prevoicing is an example of contrastive emphasis. Similar to rate effects found in other languages, the data here support the conclusion that SAE does have phonologically specified privative voice in the lenis stop.

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Section: Languagementioning

confidence: 78%

Section: Short-lag Vot (Voiceless Unaspirated)mentioning

confidence: 97%

Section: Fastmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Fastmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Rate effects on Southern American English VOT

Morris

2018

Proc Ling Soc Amer

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“…To overcome these problems a clustering procedure is used whereby the entire continuum is divided into a The difference between words and sentences triggers different speech rates, which has an effect on VOT values (e.g. Beckman et al 2011). However, if speech rate has an effect on VOT, prevoicing and aspiration tend to be exaggerated while short-lag VOT is unaffected.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Voicing distinctions in the Dutch-German dialect continuum

Ouddeken

2016

AVT

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This study investigates the phonetics and phonology of voicing distinctions in the DutchGerman dialect continuum, which forms a transition zone between voicing and aspiration systems. Two phonological approaches to represent this contrast exist in the literature: a[±voice] approach and Laryngeal Realism. The implementation of the change between the two language types in the transition zone will provide new insights in the nature of the phonological representation of the contrast. In this paper I will locate the transition zone by looking at phonetic overlap between VOT values of fortis and lenis plosives, and I will compare the two phonological approaches, showing that both face analytical problems as they cannot explain the variation observed in word-initial plosives and plosive clusters.

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Infant directed speech and the development of speech perception: Enhancing development or an unintended consequence?

McMurray¹,

Kovack-Lesh²,

Goodwin³

et al. 2013

Cognition

Self Cite

131

163

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Infant directed speech (IDS) is a speech register characterized by simpler sentences, a slower rate, and more variable prosody. Recent work has implicated it in more subtle aspects of language development. Kuhl et al. (1997) demonstrated that segmental cues for vowels are affected by IDS in a way that may enhance development: the average locations of the extreme “point” vowels (/a/, /i/ and /u/) are further apart in acoustic space. If infants learn speech categories, in part, from the statistical distributions of such cues, these changes may specifically enhance speech category learning. We revisited this by asking (1) if these findings extend to a new cue (Voice Onset Time, a cue for voicing); (2) whether they extend to the interior vowels which are much harder to learn and/or discriminate; and (3) whether these changes may be an unintended phonetic consequence of factors like speaking rate or prosodic changes associated with IDS. Eighteen caregivers were recorded reading a picture book including minimal pairs for voicing (e.g., beach/peach) and a variety of vowels to either an adult or their infant. Acoustic measurements suggested that VOT was different in IDS, but not in a way that necessarily supports better development, and that these changes are almost entirely due to slower rate of speech of IDS. Measurements of the vowel suggested that in addition to changes in the mean, there was also an increase in variance, and statistical modeling suggests that this may counteract the benefit of any expansion of the vowel space. As a whole this suggests that changes in segmental cues associated with IDS may be an unintended by-product of the slower rate of speech and different prosodic structure, and do not necessarily derive from a motivation to enhance development.

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Rate effects on Swedish VOT: Evidence for phonological overspecification

Cited by 73 publications

References 36 publications

Rate effects on Southern American English VOT

Rate effects on Southern American English VOT

Voicing distinctions in the Dutch-German dialect continuum

Infant directed speech and the development of speech perception: Enhancing development or an unintended consequence?

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