Raising the minimum drinking age: Some unintended consequences of good intentions

Lanza‐Kaduce, Lonn; Richards, Pamela

doi:10.1080/07418828900090171

Cited by 4 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 19 publications

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“…Substitute products might include more powerful weapons where handguns are prohibited (Newman, 2001b) or marijuana where the legal drinking age is increased (DiNardo & Lemieux, 2001). Other consequences of an increase in the legal drinking age might include an increase in the use of fake identification or the identification of others and increased dealings with less familiar persons for the purposes of consuming and purchasing alcohol (Lanza-Kaduce & Richards, 1989).…”

Section: Prohibitionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Legislation and Unintended Consequences for Crime

Morgan

Clarke

2007

Eur J Crim Policy Res

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A literature review undertaken for the EU Crime Proofing Steering Group identified a set of legislative crime risk indicators. These are intended to assist in scanning summaries of new legislative proposals to identify regulation that might contribute to fraud, corruption, illegal trade, or environmental crime. The case studies reviewed suggest that any regulation carries the risk of such unintended crime consequences, which: (1) introduces product disposal requirements or any other new or more burdensome fee or obligation; (2) introduces a concession on a tax, or a concession on any other fee or obligation; (3) introduces a grant, subsidy, or compensation scheme; (4) introduces or increases the tax on legal goods, or in any other way increases the costs of legal goods; (5) prohibits or restricts a demanded product or service, or in any other way decreases the availability of demanded goods and services; (6) introduces or removes a law enforcement capacity, increases or decreases funding for enforcement activity or in any other way impacts the intensity of law enforcement activity; and (7) provides officials with regulatory power.

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Section: Prohibitionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Legislation and Unintended Consequences for Crime

Morgan

Clarke

2007

Eur J Crim Policy Res

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“…A good starting point to further substantiate the perspective needed in this study is the conceptual model for raising an MLDA introduced by Lanza-Kaduce and Richards [ 19 ]. According to these authors, the most important value of their model (see Figure 1 ) is the ability to present the unintended as well as the intended impacts that a change in policy can have.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The authors started their model with a “policy”, which was the increase in 1985 of the MLDA in Florida from 19 to 21 years. They assumed that the primary policy objective of this increase (the last step in the model) was to reduce the frequency of youthful drink-driving behaviour and/or the level of impairment of youthful drinking-drivers (for the target population of 19- to 20-year-olds) [ 19 ]. Two directions were then possible.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Furthermore, according to the authors, if increasing an MLDA is to affect drink-driving behaviour, it must deter drinking and/or restrict the opportunity to drink so that individuals drink less. Therefore, they constructed a “bridging variable” that measured drinking patterns of respondents and preceded the primary policy objective of the increase (the last step in the model) [ 19 ].…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Examining the Intended and Unintended Impacts of Raising a Minimum Legal Drinking Age on Primary and Secondary Societal Harm and Violence from a Contextual Policy Perspective: A Scoping Review

Roodbeen

Dijkstra

Schelleman-Offermans

et al. 2021

IJERPH

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Raising a minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) has generated interest and debate in research and politics, but opposition persists. Up to now, the presentation of impacts focussed on effectiveness (i.e., intended impact); to our knowledge, no literature syntheses focussed on both intended and unintended impacts. A systematic scoping review was conducted in which a search strategy was developed iteratively and literature was obtained from experts in alcohol research and scientific and grey databases. Ninety-one studies were extracted and analysed using formative thematic content analysis. Intended impacts were reported in 119 units of information from the studies (68% positive), forming four paths: implementation, primary and (two) on secondary societal harm and violence. Unintended developments were reported in 43 units of information (30% positive), forming five themes. Only eight studies reported on implementation. Furthermore, a division between primary and secondary paths and the use of a bridging variable (drinking patterns in analyses or methodology) was discovered. These results provide an insight into how well legislation works and can be used to discover or implement new means of curbing underage drinking and alcohol-related violence and harm. They also offer valuable starting points for future research and underline the importance of considering unintended developments.

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“…While the preponderance of evidence indicates that an inverse relationship exists between the legal minimum drinking age and alcohol-related accidents (Males 1986;O'Malley and Wagenaar 1991), investigations suggest that only short-term rather than long-term deterrent effects occur. Thus, any firm conclusions about the relationships between the higher age limit and alcoholrelated accidents are difficult to infer (Vingilis and De Genova 1984;Williams and Lillis 1988;Lanza-Kaduse and Richards 1989).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Differential Effects of the Minimum Drinking Age Law*

Mooney

Gramling

1993

Sociological Inquiry

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This research is based on a comparison of the effects of a 21-minimum-age drinking law. Using two self-report samples of college students, one from a state where the minimum drinking age is 21 ( N = 249) and another from a state where the minimum drinking age is 18 ( N = 330), drinking behavior patterns are compared in terms of frequency, quantity, and location of consumption. The data suggest that the 21minimum-age drinking law deters drinking in controlled locations while having no significant deterring effect in uncontrolled locations. Implications of the findings are provided.

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Raising the minimum drinking age: Some unintended consequences of good intentions

Cited by 4 publications

References 19 publications

Legislation and Unintended Consequences for Crime

Legislation and Unintended Consequences for Crime

Examining the Intended and Unintended Impacts of Raising a Minimum Legal Drinking Age on Primary and Secondary Societal Harm and Violence from a Contextual Policy Perspective: A Scoping Review

The Differential Effects of the Minimum Drinking Age Law*

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