Racial Segregation and Southern Lynching

Cook, Lisa D.; Logan, Trevon D.; Parman, John

doi:10.3386/w23813

Cited by 18 publications

(24 citation statements)

References 69 publications

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“…One complication is that the violence begins after Redemption starts, and another is the question of how such persistent political power coincided with black officeholding, which should be less common in areas with a persistent ruling elite. Cook, Logan, and Parman (2016) find no effects of black political leadership on lynchings in the Jim Crow era.…”

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confidence: 75%

Do Black Politicians Matter? Evidence from Reconstruction

Logan

2020

J. Econ. Hist.

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This paper exploits the history of Reconstruction after the American Civil War to estimate the effect of politician race on public finance. While the effect of black politicians is positive and significant, black officials may be endogenous to electoral preferences for redistribution. I therefore use the number of free blacks in the antebellum era (1860) as an instrument for black political leaders during Reconstruction. Instrumental variables (IV) estimates show that an additional black official increased per capita county tax revenue by $0.20, more than an hour’s wage at the time. The effect was not persistent, however, disappearing entirely once black politicians were removed from office at Reconstruction’s end. Consistent with the stated policy objectives of black officials, I find positive effects of black politicians on land tenancy and black literacy. These results suggest that black political leaders had large effects on public finance and individual outcomes over and above electoral preferences.

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confidence: 75%

Do Black Politicians Matter? Evidence from Reconstruction

Logan

2020

J. Econ. Hist.

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“…In testing the theories of lynching mentioned already, we turn to the results of Cook, Logan, and Parman (2018), the most recent, integrated approach to testing competing theories of lynching and segregation. Table 2 presents the main results, where the number of lynchings per county between 1882 and 1930 is regressed on a neighbor-based measure of segregation (Logan and Parman 2017) and the percentage of households that were Black in 1880.…”

Section: Lynching and Segregationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Persistence of Historical Racial Violence and Political Suppression: Implications for Contemporary Regional Inequality

Williams¹,

Logan²,

Hardy³

2021

The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Scie

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We provide evidence on the link between lynchings and a range of political and economic outcomes for Black Americans. We show that lynchings are related to racial and political motives among whites that keep Black Americans disconnected from the political process. This political and racial gradient to lynchings is related to public finance and redistribution within states and localities and has potentially long-lasting implications for investments in financial and human capital for Black Americans. We also document regional inequality in economic well-being and the social safety net, linking the legacy of racialized violence and diminished political capital to persistently higher poverty and lowered investments in social and labor market policies, showing that a key goal of Southern Redemption policies and violence continues to play a role in Black American life in the twenty-first century.

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“…Beck (2000), who analyzes Ku Klux Klan (KKK) activity (primarily through marches and demonstrations) in the American South from 1980 through 1990, finds that as the traditional racial status quo begins to unravel, the likelihood of ethnic‐based conflict rises. Cook, Logan, and Parman (2018) use data from 1882 through 1932 and find that racial segregation is associated with an increase in the number of Black lynchings. Qualitative studies, which focus on the upbringing of members and the recruiting mechanisms of White supremacist groups, in particular, find that these organizations typically attempt to recover the traditional lifestyle of past generations (Ezekiel 2001; Kimmel and Ferber 2000).…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Trade Liberalization and Racial Animus

Ortega

Fruscia

Louise

2020

Contemporary Economic Policy

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Since the year 2000, the number of recorded hate groups in the United States has increased by more than 50 %. Some argue that the strain caused by unemployment or other socioeconomic stressors can play a critical role in the prevalence of extremist groups and crimes. We examine whether a change in U.S. policy to normalize trade relations with China, which fueled a surge in import competition that led to higher levels of unemployment, affected the presence of hate crimes. Using a difference‐in‐differences model and an event‐study framework, we find that areas most exposed to import competition experienced an increase in the number of anti‐Black hate crimes. We also find a qualitatively similar effect on the number of active hate groups in response to import competition. This result holds pre‐ and post‐the Great Recession and is consistent across levels of aggregation. The results are consistent and robust to various controls and specifications. (JEL F13, F16, Z13)

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Racial Segregation and Southern Lynching

Cited by 18 publications

References 69 publications

Do Black Politicians Matter? Evidence from Reconstruction

Do Black Politicians Matter? Evidence from Reconstruction

The Persistence of Historical Racial Violence and Political Suppression: Implications for Contemporary Regional Inequality

Trade Liberalization and Racial Animus

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