Racial Formation in the United States

Omi, Michael; Winant, Howard

doi:10.4324/9780203076804

Cited by 2,063 publications

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“…Literary scholar Jodi Melamed (2011) periodizes racial liberalism as a state of antiracism in the United States that emerged in the 1940s to 1960s, giving way to other antiracisms, such as liberal multiculturalism and neoliberal multiculturalism. Similarly, historian Nikhil Singh (2017) identifies racial liberalism in the oft-cited work of sociologists Michael Omi and Howard Winant (2015) in the emergence of racial formation and the "great transformation" that takes place from World War II to the 1960s and its subsequent normalization. 6.…”

Section: Junaid Ranamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The assumption is that white supremacy is the ideological machinery that propels and defines the objects of racism. For example, in the most recent edition of their influential study of racial formation, Michael Omi and Howard Winant (2015) allude to white supremacy as structural and ideological in terms of establishing a racial order based in hierarchy. More specifically, they conceptualize it as "an evolving hegemonic racial project that has taken different forms from the colonial era to the present" (127).…”

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Anthropology and the Riddle of White Supremacy

Rana

2019

American Anthropologist

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This article considers how anthropology can grapple with white supremacy by conceptualizing it as global and in relation to religion. Drawing on the exchange published as A Rap on Race between anthropologist Margaret Mead and the writer James Baldwin, I address the connection of religion and moral belief to racism, white supremacy, and the critique of racial liberalism. In their conversation, Mead and Baldwin discuss Christianity and white supremacy revealing a complex conjuring of Islam and Muslims that I describe as racecraft. The racialization of religion and the theological components of white supremacy have a particular relevance to the construction of anti‐Muslim racism. To describe how ethnography and anthropological theory can intervene, I offer an example of the study of white supremacy and discuss the implications. [racism, religion, white supremacy, Margaret Mead, James Baldwin]

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Section: Junaid Ranamentioning

confidence: 99%

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confidence: 99%

Anthropology and the Riddle of White Supremacy

Rana

2019

American Anthropologist

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“…Han writes, BBy relying on bodily features to identify subjects of hukou enforcement, policing sets up direct links between physical appearance and particular social, economic and political status^ (2010, p. 603). As Brodkin has argued in the case of the USA, the construction of race among immigrant populations goes hand and hand with the construction of class, such that differentiating by color or appearance provides a means of justifying the oppression of a working underclass (1998; see also Omi and Winant 1994). Smaller and darker on average than urban Chinese due to a history of outdoor labor and poor nutrition, and cast as dirty and Blow quality^(suzhi di), the rural Han trying to circulate into and out of Chinese cities formed a massive racial underclass that was paradoxically composed of members of the dominant Han race (see Han 2010;Solinger 1999).…”

Section: Mobility Migration and The Racialization Of The Floating Pmentioning

confidence: 99%

H1N1 Is Not a Chinese Virus: the Racialization of People and Viruses in Post-SARS China

Mason

2015

St Comp Int Dev

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In this article, I trace how the race-making of people, viruses, and the places they share became a powerful means by which Chinese public health professionals made sense of two major infectious outbreaks that threatened to stall or interrupt China's development: the SARS outbreak of 2003 and the H1N1 influenza pandemic of 2009. By inscribing geographical stability onto infected bodies in motion through the languages of race and genetics, Chinese public health professionals sought to constrain the mobility of infection and, in doing so, to contain the symbolic and material threats to China's modernity and development that flu-like infections, and the people who carried and spread them, had come to represent. While SARS in this imaginary became a BChinese^or BCantonese^disease, H1N1 became a EuroAmerican disease that, when it reached inside China, adhered more easily to those Chinese who did not quite belong. In constructing this imaginary, public health professionals' racialization of certain groups thought to be infectious joined with the racialization of the infections themselves. H1N1 could not easily infect most Chinese because both the virus and its hosts were racially alien.When the H1N1 influenza pandemic began spreading around the world in April 2009, I was nearing the end of a year of ethnographic fieldwork at several local, governmentaffiliated public health institutions in and around Tianmai, China. 1, 2 Tianmai is a large St Comp Int Dev (2015) 50:500-518 1 While readers familiar with China may have little trouble recognizing the city I call Tianmai, I use this pseudonym in the interest of providing some basic protections to my informants, who in other work have disclosed potentially sensitive information that they did not want directly linked to them or their place of work. 2 I conducted participant observation, as well as semi-structured, open-ended, and life history interviews, with over 100 informants at over a dozen government-affiliated public health institutions at the provincial, city, district, and community levels in Tianmai and the nearby city of . By Bgovernment-affiliated^I mean that these institutions were neither arms of the government per se nor were they independent of the government. Rather, they were funded by and overseen by local (municipal, district, and Bstreet^-level) governments while maintaining a quasi-independent status as a Btechnical work unit^(shiye danwei).

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“…Instead, critical race theorists believe that racism should be viewed as a normal outgrowth of living in the United States-a country in which race has played the central role (Omi & Winant, 1994) in social settings since the inception of the country. From the origins of school in the US, to the desegregation of the 1950s and 1960s, to the performance of black students in US classrooms today, it is easy to see the connection between the structures of race, power, and privilege that exist in schools (Anyon, 2005;Thernstrom & Thernstrom, 2003).…”

Section: Bourdieu and Critical Race Theory 77mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In fact, modern 'white' Marxism has had very 'little useful to say about race' (Mills, 2003, p. 127) and how class may be used in conjunction with race to explain inequity in society. As a powerful case has been made that the US was founded on ideas of racial superiority (Omi & Winant, 1994;Zinn, 2005), it would seem that political and moral philosophy would find it necessary to include an addendum to class in the form of race analysis. In many ways, the argument between the materialism of Marxists and race theorists is misguided because both class and race have played and continue to play a hugely significant role in US society.…”

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confidence: 99%

The Complicated Conversation of Class and Race in Social and Curricular Analysis: An examination of Pierre Bourdieu's interpretative framework in relation to race

McKnight

Chandler

2012

Educational Philosophy and Theory

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As a means to challenge and diminish the hold of mainstream curriculum's claim of being a colorblind, politically neutral text, we will address two particular features that partially, though significantly, constitute the hidden curriculum in the United States—race and class—historically studied as separate social issues. Race and class have been embedded within the institutional curriculum from the beginning in the US; though rarely acknowledged as intertwined issues. We illustrate how the theoretical and interpretive structure of French philosopher and sociologist Pierre Bourdieu can productively subsume the insights of critical race theory into its framework in a way that provides a more robust understanding of how race and class continue to be socially reproduced in schools. To perform this task we examine, through Bourdieu's constructs of habitus, field, capital, symbolic violence and misrecognition, the ways in which race, in general, and whiteness, specifically, influences pedagogical and curricular existence within the institutional superstructure of school.

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Racial Formation in the United States

Cited by 2,063 publications

References 0 publications

Anthropology and the Riddle of White Supremacy

Anthropology and the Riddle of White Supremacy

H1N1 Is Not a Chinese Virus: the Racialization of People and Viruses in Post-SARS China

The Complicated Conversation of Class and Race in Social and Curricular Analysis: An examination of Pierre Bourdieu's interpretative framework in relation to race

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