Racial Context, Black Immigration and the U.S. Black/White Health Disparity

Read, Jen’nan Ghazal; Emerson, Michael O.

doi:10.1353/sof.2005.0120

Cited by 112 publications

(114 citation statements)

References 35 publications

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“…Consequently, they are more likely to be involved in interpersonal dealings and racial contexts that are majority white and have been identified as potential mechanisms through which "race" impacts health (Read & Emerson, 2005). Further, given their increased resources and access, higher SES Blacks who are exposed to discrimination in various arenas are likely to perceive these situations as being especially unmerited and egregious.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Under racialized systems of power and privilege, racial minorities are subject to inequalities in economic resources, job opportunities, and political power. Racial context (i.e., minority-white versus majority-white settings) has been identified as a mechanism whereby "race" affects the health status of both Caribbean-born and U.S.-born Blacks (Read & Emerson, 2005). Immigrants from minority-white areas will have a health advantage over U.S.-born Blacks (i.e., from majority-white racial contexts) due to their more limited exposure to racism.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Profiles of depressive symptoms among African Americans and Caribbean Blacks

Lincoln

Chatters

Taylor

et al. 2007

Social Science & Medicine

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Latent profile analysis was used to summarize profiles of depressive symptoms among a nationally representative sample of U.S.-born and Caribbean-born Blacks. Analyses are based on the responses of 4,915 African Americans and Caribbean Blacks from the National Survey of American Life. A high symptoms and a low symptoms class were identified. Age, gender, negative social interaction within the individual's social network (e.g., conflict demands, criticism) and racial discrimination were associated with depressive symptoms in the low symptoms class, whereas socioeconomic status, gender, emotional support and negative interaction were associated with depressive symptoms in the high symptoms class. The findings demonstrate the heterogeneity within the Black population in the USA and the distinct sociodemographic, family network and stress correlates of depressive symptoms for each latent class.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Profiles of depressive symptoms among African Americans and Caribbean Blacks

Lincoln

Chatters

Taylor

et al. 2007

Social Science & Medicine

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The ACL enrolled a stratified multistage probability sample of adults ages 25 Process Data were collected via face-to-face interviews in the first two waves, while waves 3 to 5 were conducted via telephone or face-to-face interviews. In a small number of cases, when participants were unavailable for a given wave, data were collected from proxy reporters in waves 3 through 5.…”

Section: Sampling and Participantsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, most of this literature has not studied US Blacks and Whites [16][17][18]24], suggesting the need for further s studies, given the importance of context-dependent racial experiences of populations [25]. Despite our knowledge of the bidirectional relationship between depression and CMCs over time, very few studies have specifically compared this reciprocal relationship among Blacks and Whites.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Long-Term Reciprocal Associations Between Depressive Symptoms and Number of Chronic Medical Conditions: Longitudinal Support for Black–White Health Paradox

Assari

Burgard

Zivin

2015

J. Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities

121

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Background Previous research has identified a Black-White health paradox, which can be defined as less frequent depression despite a higher prevalence of chronic medical conditions among Blacks compared to Whites in the USA. Based on this paradox, we would expect weaker associations between chronic medical conditions and depression among Blacks than Whites. However, the literature on this topic is mostly crosssectional and has provided findings that contradict the BlackWhite health paradox. The present longitudinal study extends prior research by assessing Black-White differences in reciprocal associations between number of chronic medical conditions and depressive symptoms over a 25-year period.Methods Data came from the Americans' Changing Lives Study that followed 1034 surviving Black and White respondents for 25 years from 1986 to 2011. Chronic medical conditions were measured based on a count of self-reported physician diagnoses including hypertension, diabetes, chronic lung disease, heart disease, stroke, cancer, and arthritis at baseline (1986) and follow-up (2011). Depressive symptoms were also measured at baseline and follow-up using a 10-item Center for Epidemiological Studies-Depression (CES-D) scale. Multi-group structural equation modeling was used to assess reciprocal associations between baseline and subsequent depressive symptoms and baseline and subsequent chronic medical conditions comparing Black and White respondents. Results Among White but not Black respondents, a higher number of chronic medical conditions at baseline predicted a greater increase in depressive symptoms over 25 years of follow-up. Among Whites but not Blacks, individuals with more depressive symptoms at baseline developed more chronic medical conditions over time. Conclusion Findings documented Black-White differences in reciprocal associations between chronic medical conditions and depressive symptoms over time. Our study provides longitudinal evidence for the Black-White health paradox across mid and later life, as reciprocal associations between depression and chronic medical conditions were weaker for Blacks compared to Whites.

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“…The demographic control variables include sex (female = 0, male = 1), race (white, black or other race; reference = non-white) and marital status (married = 1, otherwise = 0; reference = non-married). The measure of race is included because blacks tend to have poorer health outcomes than whites, and are more likely to lack health insurance and to live in places of concentrated poverty where opportunities for healthy eating and exercising are limited (Read & Emerson, 2005). Marital status is controlled in the study considering the fact that marriage has a protective effect on individual health and mortality (Lillard & Waite, 1995).…”

Section: Data and Measuresmentioning

confidence: 99%

How Does Age Matter in the Linkage between Religious Involvement and Adult Self-Rated Health?

Zhang¹

2015

AASoci

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Through conducting an age, period, and cohort analysis by running cross-classified random effect models, this research studies how age plays a role in the religious involvement and health relationship. Data are drawn from the U.S. General Social Survey, 1972 to 2008. For the most part, the results show that after controlling for the cohort and period effects, there is a loss of advantages in health with age for those who are more involved in religion. This finding suggests that when the period and cohort effects are taken into consideration, the cumulative advantage theory may not be supported in this case.

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Racial Context, Black Immigration and the U.S. Black/White Health Disparity

Cited by 112 publications

References 35 publications

Profiles of depressive symptoms among African Americans and Caribbean Blacks

Profiles of depressive symptoms among African Americans and Caribbean Blacks

Long-Term Reciprocal Associations Between Depressive Symptoms and Number of Chronic Medical Conditions: Longitudinal Support for Black–White Health Paradox

How Does Age Matter in the Linkage between Religious Involvement and Adult Self-Rated Health?

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