Racial Characteristics and the Imposition of the Death Penalty

Radelet, Michael L.

doi:10.2307/2095088

Cited by 146 publications

(63 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…In fact, the association was strong enough that some had argued that White support for capital punishment was really a form of bsymbolic racismQ (Cohn, Barkan, & Halteman, 1991;Kinder & Sears, 1981;Sears, Hensler, & Speer, 1979;Young, 1991). Conversely, Blacks may be more inclined to oppose capital punishment because it represents for them another form of institutional discrimination disproportionately applied to Black defendants and/or killers of White, rather than Black, victims (Radelet, 1981;Unah & Boger, 2001;Vito & Keil, 1988). Likewise, lower Black support for capital punishment may also, in part, be due to a Black oppositional subculture (Anderson, 1990(Anderson, , 1994Bernard, 1990;Rose & McClain, 1990.…”

Section: Prejudice Discrimination and Racial Differences In Beliefs mentioning

confidence: 99%

The enduring racial divide in death penalty support

Cochran

Chamlin

2006

Journal of Criminal Justice

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Section: Prejudice Discrimination and Racial Differences In Beliefs mentioning

confidence: 99%

The enduring racial divide in death penalty support

Cochran

Chamlin

2006

Journal of Criminal Justice

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“…A more explicit social justice angle of fairness is to explore what roles the race of the defendant or of the murder victim play in whether the defendant is sentenced to death. Classes can track down primary source data (e.g., Radelet 1981) or, if time is limited, work through a textbook exercise (e.g., Moore and McCabe 1989, pp. 232-233), whose three-way table classifies 326 actual murder cases by the victim's race, the defendant's race, and whether the defendant was sentenced to death.…”

Section: Probability and Inferential Statisticsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Critical Values and Transforming Data: Teaching Statistics with Social Justice

Lesser

2007

Journal of Statistics Education

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Despite the dearth of literature specifically on teaching statistics using social justice, there is precedent in the more general realm of teaching using social justice, or even in teaching mathematics using social justice. This article offers an overview of content examples, resources, and references that can be used in the specific area of statistics education. Philosophical and pedagogical references are given, definitional issues are discussed, potential implementation challenges are addressed, and a substantial bibliography of print and electronic resources is provided.

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“…Based on the empirical evidence in the literature for a "hierarchy of seriousness" of crime based not only on the race of the offender, but also on therace of the victim (Baldus et al, 1983;Bowers and Pierce, 1980;LaFree, 1980;Myers and Hagan, 1979;Paternoster, 1983;Radelet, 1981), Hawkins contends that the harshest sanctions will be given for offenses perpetrated by blacks against whites who are in positions of authority and/or who are strangers to the offender. The least severely sanctioned offenses, he hypothesizes, will be those occurring among white intraracial acquaintances or family members.…”

Section: Theoretical Framework For Predicting Police Responsesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Victim's perceptions of initial police responses to robbery and aggravated assault: Does race matter?

Bachman

1994

J Quant Criminol

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Despite the fact that police officers are usually the first persons within the criminal justice system to respond to a criminal victimization, the majority of research investigating racial discrimination within the system has examined primarily the effects of race on adjudication outcomes which occur after initial police interventions, such as conviction decisions and sentences. Very little empirical effort has been devoted to examining the effects of race on early police responses to a reported victimization. Using data from the National Crime Victimization Survey from 1987 to 1992, this paper investigates the effects of both the victim's and the offender's race on three police responses to robbery and aggravated assault: (1) police response time to the scene, (2) effort exerted by the police at the scene, and (3) likelihood of arrest. It was found that police were quicker to respond and also exerted more effort at the scene such as searching and taking evidence to incidents of black on white robbery compared to all other racial dyads. This relationship held even after controlling for other factors such as victim-offender relationship, poverty, injury to the victim, and victim's gender. No significant effects of race, however, were found when predicting the probability of arrest in cases of robbery. The effects of race on police responses to aggravated assault were more complicated. For assaults involving strangers, police were significantly more likely to exert additional effort at the scene if the victim was white and the offender was perceived to be black. This effect was reversed, however, for nonstranger assault victimizations. Police were significantly less likely to exert effort at the scene or to make an arrest in black on white assaults involving nonstrangers. The most consistent predictors of arrest in both stranger and nonstranger assault victimizations were police response time, injury to the victim, and the incident occurring in a public setting.

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Racial Characteristics and the Imposition of the Death Penalty

Cited by 146 publications

References 14 publications

The enduring racial divide in death penalty support

The enduring racial divide in death penalty support

Critical Values and Transforming Data: Teaching Statistics with Social Justice

Victim's perceptions of initial police responses to robbery and aggravated assault: Does race matter?

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