Questions, quantifiers and crossing

Higginbotham, James; May, Robert

doi:10.1515/tlir.1981.1.1.41

Cited by 305 publications

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“…There is a variety of the proposition set analysis which assumes that the meaning of a question is the set of descriptions of those propositions in some representation language (cf. Higginbotham & May 1981), which is a more expressive framework, as it would allow for syntactic operations on these descriptions that could not be defined for sets of propositions. I will generally assume a restrictive denotational framework here, not a representational one.…”

Section: Read(m)(kf)mentioning

confidence: 99%

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For a Structured Meaning Account of Questions and Answers

Krifka¹

2001

Audiatur Vox Sapientiae

150

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Section: Read(m)(kf)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…But it can be transformed into a question that asks for a mapping procedure by using the following operators: A similar combination of the question constituents to form matching questions has been suggested by Higginbotham & May (1981) for wh-expressions on the level of logical form (called absorption).…”

Section: The Semantics For Matching Questionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

For a Structured Meaning Account of Questions and Answers

Krifka¹

2001

Audiatur Vox Sapientiae

150

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“…The negative quantifier approach takes every n-word to be semantically negative and explains missing semantic negations as a result of some semantic absorption mechanism. According to these proposals (most notably Zanuttini 1991;Haegeman andZanuttini 1991, 1996;and Haegeman 1995), NC is due to a process of negation absorption, analogous to Wh absorption as proposed by Higginbotham and May (1981). This idea has been formally spelled out by De Swart and Sag (2002), who argue that absorption corresponds to resumption of unary quantifiers in a polyadic quantifier framework (Van Benthem 1989;Keenan and Westerståhl 1997).…”

Section: The Status Of Negative Indefinitesmentioning

confidence: 98%

Negation and polarity: an introduction

Penka

Zeijlstra

2010

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This introduction addresses some key issues and questions in the study of negation and polarity. Focussing on negative polarity and negative indefinites, it summarizes research trends and results. Special attention is paid to the issues of synchronic variation and diachronic change in the realm of negative polarity items, which figure prominently in the articles and commentaries contained in this special issue.

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“…That is, as shown below for Spanish, independently of whether the echo-introduced wh-phrase appears in the root clause, (5)-(11b), or deeply embedded, (12b), it always receives wide scope and requests an answer: (12) Likewise, the in-situ echo wh-word is allowed to appear both inside strong and weak islands and necessarily gets wide scope. This is illustrated below for Spanish, where the island effects are created by sentential subjects, (13), adjuncts, (14), and complex NPs, (15): 7 7 In other words, regarding islands, echo wh-words in wh-fronting languages behave similarly to nonecho interrogative pronouns in wh-in-situ languages, (i) (for discussion, see Hagstrom 1998 Turning back to the root scope phenomenon, recall a well-known fact that non-echo contexts with multiple quantifiers (e.g., multiple wh-questions) presuppose exhaustification of every such item, giving rise either to pair-list or single-pair readings (see Higginbotham & May 1981;Hagstrom 1998;Krifka 2001;a.o.). That is, an ordinary multiple wh-question contains answers providing information about each of the members of the set denoted by every wh-word.…”

Section: Wide Scope and Lack Of Island Effectsmentioning

confidence: 99%

On wh-movement in Spanish Echo Questions

Chernova¹

2017

Borealis

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ABSTRACT. This paper examines Spanish echo questions, an understudied phenomenon even in extensively described languages such as English. In particular, it focuses on a very particular type of echo questions, such as those made in response to a previous yes/no question (e.g. -Did you buy { mumble }?; -Did I buy WHAT?) and makes a detailed description, on the one hand, of inherent echo features, common across most languages, and, on the other, those language-specific. In particular, I argue that wh-in-situ is not the only possible option in Spanish EQs in order to get a proper, echo interpretation. In addition, I offer some evidence from Spanish data in favour of a particular syntactic structure underlying this sort of questions (Sobin 2010).Keywords. wh-movement; wh-in-situ; echo questions; discourse RESUMEN. En este artículo se examinan las preguntas de eco en español, que constituyen un fenómeno poco estudiado incluso en aquellos idiomas que han sido extensivamente descritos (por ejemplo, inglés). Este artículo, además, presta especial atención a un tipo de preguntas de eco muy particular, como aquellas que se producen en respuesta a una interrogativa polar (p.ej, -¿Has comprado { xxx }? -¿Que si he comprado QUÉ?). En el estudio se ofrece una detallada descripción, por un lado, de las características generales de las preguntas de eco, comunes entre diferentes lenguas, y, por otro lado, características propias de las preguntas de eco en español. En concreto, se argumenta que la opción con el pronombre qu-in situ no es la única en las preguntas de eco en español, sino que este también puede desplazarse a diferentes posiciones dentro de la oración. Adicionalmente, se demuestra que español ofrece un interesante argumento a favor de una estructura sintáctica particular que caracteriza este tipo de oraciones interrogativas (Sobin 2010).Palabras clave. movimiento qu-; qu-in situ; preguntas de eco; discurso IntroductionEcho wh-questions (hereafter wh-EQs) are generally used in immediate response to an utterance to request for repetition or to express speaker's surprise or amazement at some aspect of the utterance's content. This type of questions is traditionally considered as a counterpoint to standard assumptions about interrogative syntax. The few existent syntactic and pragmatic studies on EQs have argued that they do not exhibit overt wh-movement (see Noh 1998;Iwata 2003; den Dikken 2003;Fiengo 2007;Sobin 2010; a.o.). In effect, it has been observed for English that EQs seem to be immune to the obligatory wh-movement and the consequent T-to-C verb raising, as illustrated in (1a). EQs can also apparently violate Superiority effects when containing more than one wh-word, as shown in (1b) (hereafter the echo-introduced wh-phrases appear in small caps):

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Questions, quantifiers and crossing

Cited by 305 publications

References 0 publications

For a Structured Meaning Account of Questions and Answers

For a Structured Meaning Account of Questions and Answers

Negation and polarity: an introduction

On wh-movement in Spanish Echo Questions

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