Questioning Consensuses: Right-Wing Populism, Anti-Populism, and the Threat of ‘Gender Ideology’

Abstract

Since 2012, several European countries (among others Austria, Croatia, France, Germany, Hungary, Poland, Slovenia or Slovakia) have seen the rise of conservative and, in part, fundamentalist social movements against the perceived threat of what they call (depending on the context) ‘gender ideology’, ‘gender theory’, or ‘genderism’. The movements mobilizing against ‘gender ideology’ are frequently understood as a conservative backlash against achieved levels of equality between women and men and/or LGBTQ rights. This perspective of ‘the patriarchy/heteronormativity fighting back’ seems as tempting as it is simplifying. I discuss the transnational movements against ‘gender ideology’ in the context of the rise of right-wing populism and on the basis of considerations seeking to explain their demand side. On one hand, I argue that the study of this phenomenon provides important clues for understanding the reasons behind the rise of populist forces in Europe and beyond. On the other hand, I propose that ‘gender’ is not the final target for these movements and that they should not be understood primarily as mobilizations against equality. Rather, I see the emergence of these movements as a symptom of a larger systemic crisis. ‘Gender ideology’ in this sense embodies numerous deficits of the so-called progressive actors, and the movements or parties that mobilize against the perceived threat of ‘gender ideology’ react to these deficits by re-politicizing certain issues in a polarized language. Based on Chantal Mouffe’s critique of the established hegemonic idea of consensus in liberal democracy, I discuss two consensuses that are characteristic of the so-called progressive actors (including the feminist and LGBTQ actors), namely, the neoliberal consensus and the human rights consensus, and their contribution to the rise of the movements against ‘gender ideology’.

TERF wars: An introduction

“…. a contest for redefining liberal democracy where “gender ideology” embodies numerous deficits of the so-called progressive actors’ (Kováts, 2018, p. 535, emphasis in original).…”

The personal is global political: The antifeminist backlash in the United Nations

“…Groups in the European Union, Latin America, and Russia increasingly protest against same-sex marriage, abortion, progressive notions of gender, and sex education (Corredor, 2019;Paternotte and Kuhar, 2018;Prosinger, 2019). While these protests take place in domestic contexts, the fact that they are unfolding at the same time, that their organisers communicate with each other, and that they all mobilise against so-called 'gender ideology' points to their transnational and global character (Grezebalska et al, 2018;Kováts, 2017Kováts, , 2018Kuhar and Paternotte, 2017). Transnational antifeminist mobilisation has been particularly wellcoordinated in Europe.…”

Gender Ideology: A Discourse That Threatens Gender Equality

“…The 2010s anti-gender mobilizations, which combine gender conservatism with a critique of neoliberalism and globalization and have been contributing to the dissemination of illiberal populism, can be hence understood as response to the global economic crisis of 2008 and the crisis of liberal democracy (Korolczuk and Graff 2018). Kováts (2018) examines these movements as symptoms of a larger systemic crisis involving two pillars of contemporary liberal democracies: the neoliberal consensus and the human rights consensus.…”