2019
DOI: 10.1080/23251042.2019.1620091
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Pursuing a voice in the extractivism debate in Brazil

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Cited by 3 publications
(2 citation statements)
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“…LeQuesne (2019) suggests that if we think beyond Collins (1990) matrix of domination, Standing Rock demonstrates how intersectional populism can create a matrix of resistance that can successfully challenge what he refers to as 'petrol-hegemony.' Similarly, Lyra's (2019) contribution to the special issue discusses how movements grapple with in-group imbalances of power and still leverage this in a way that ultimately makes for a successful policy push. Furthermore, in their respective articles, George and Jalbert discuss the importance of transparency and information access as crucial for addressing power imbalances.…”
Section: Social Spaces Where Scales Meet: Bridging Research On Enviromentioning
confidence: 99%
“…LeQuesne (2019) suggests that if we think beyond Collins (1990) matrix of domination, Standing Rock demonstrates how intersectional populism can create a matrix of resistance that can successfully challenge what he refers to as 'petrol-hegemony.' Similarly, Lyra's (2019) contribution to the special issue discusses how movements grapple with in-group imbalances of power and still leverage this in a way that ultimately makes for a successful policy push. Furthermore, in their respective articles, George and Jalbert discuss the importance of transparency and information access as crucial for addressing power imbalances.…”
Section: Social Spaces Where Scales Meet: Bridging Research On Enviromentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Whilst these colonial histories and presents have been extensively problematized (Kothari and Wilkinson, 2010; Wilson, 2012; Taylor and Tremblay, 2022), I argue that it is still vital to understand how development is conceived, engaged with, rejected or embraced, by those who can be considered to be at its coalface—in this case grassroots, Global South women actively engaged in contesting the dominant model of neoliberal economic development as experienced in much of Latin America—extractive-led development (Acosta, 2013; Svampa, 2012). The extractive-led model of development, based on the large-scale extraction of natural resources, primarily for export and with minimal processing, has been vigorously pursued by Latin American governments on both the left and the right since the mid-1990s, as a potential route to prosperity and poverty reduction (Burchardt and Dietz, 2014; Deonandan and Dougherty, 2016; Svampa, 2012), and has been contested equally vigorously by a range of interest groups whose priorities often coalesce around a strong critique of neoliberal development and the social and environmental harms of extractivism (see, e.g., Bebbington, 2012; Lyra, 2019; Haarstad and Fløysand, 2007; Urkidi and Walter, 2011). Women activists have also been at the forefront of contesting extractivism in many contexts (Jenkins, 2017; Li, 2009; Velasquez, 2012; Ulloa, 2016).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%