Pulling the Trigger: How Threats to the Nation Increase Support for Military Action via the Generation of Hubris

Feinstein, Yuval

doi:10.15195/v3.a15

Cited by 20 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 42 publications

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“…Some of these associations may become even stronger when the nation experiences external threats (Feinstein 2016b). Although analytically distinct from other dimensions of nationalist beliefs, chauvinism appears to be positively correlated with national pride (Huddy & Khatib 2007), national identification (Blank & Schmidt 2003), and unconditional support for the country (Schatz et al 1999).…”

Section: What Is the Nation's Place In The World?mentioning

confidence: 94%

Nationalism in Settled Times

2016

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Due to a preoccupation with periods of large-scale social change, nationalism research had long neglected everyday nationhood in contemporary democracies. This article proposes to shift the focus of this scholarly field toward the study of nationalism not only as a political project but also as a cognitive, affective, and discursive category deployed in daily practice. Integrating insights from work on banal and everyday nationalism, collective rituals, national identity, and commemorative struggles with survey-based findings from political psychology, I demonstrate that meanings attached to the nation vary within and across populations as well as over time, with important implications for microinteraction and for political beliefs and behavior, including support for exclusionary policies and authoritarian politics. I conclude by suggesting how new developments in methods of data collection and analysis can inform future research on this topic.

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Section: What Is the Nation's Place In The World?mentioning

confidence: 94%

Nationalism in Settled Times

2016

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“…Studies have demonstrated a consistent positive association between chauvinist attitudes and support for bellicose foreign policy (Kosterman & Feshbach 1989), authoritarian attitudes (Blank & Schmidt 2003, Huddy & Khatib 2007, prejudice against minorities (Blank & Schmidt 2003), hostility toward immigrants (De Figueiredo & Elkins 2003, Knudsen 1997, opposition to supranational institutions (Müller-Peters 1998), and voter apathy (Huddy & Khatib 2007). Some of these associations may become even stronger when the nation experiences external threats (Feinstein 2016b). Although analytically distinct from other dimensions of nationalist beliefs, chauvinism appears to be positively correlated with national pride (Huddy & Khatib 2007), national identification (Blank & Schmidt 2003), and unconditional support for the country (Schatz et al 1999).…”

Section: What Is the Nation's Place In The World?mentioning

confidence: 98%

Race and Politics in the Age of Obama

Parker

2016

Annu. Rev. Sociol.

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Due to a preoccupation with periods of large-scale social change, nationalism research had long neglected everyday nationhood in contemporary democracies. Recent scholarship, however, has begun to shift the focus of this scholarly field toward the study of nationalism not only as a political project but also as a cognitive, affective, and discursive category deployed in daily practice. Integrating insights from work on banal and everyday nationalism, collective rituals, national identity, and commemorative struggles with survey-based findings from political psychology, I demonstrate that meanings attached to the nation vary within and across populations as well as over time, with important implications for microinteraction and for political beliefs and behavior, including support for exclusionary policies and authoritarian politics. I conclude by suggesting how new developments in methods of data collection and analysis can inform future research on this topic.

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“…Throughout U.S. history, nativism and xenophobia have increased in periods of political threat and, to a lesser extent, economic privation (Higham [1955] 1983). Rahn, Kroeger, and Kite (1996) suggest that such crises and their representation in the media affect the public mood (with individual variation in response depending on the extent to which national identity is central to personal identity), leading to increases in the volume of nationalist talk and, potentially, to political mobilization (see also Feinstein 2016a). Consistent with this argument, Perrin (2005) found an increase in both authoritarian and anti-authoritarian discourse in letters to the editor of a North Carolina newspaper after the September 11th attacks.…”

Section: Was 2004 a Typical Year For American Nationalism?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Varieties of American Popular Nationalism

2016

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Despite the relevance of nationalism for politics and intergroup relations, sociologists have devoted surprisingly little attention to the phenomenon in the United States, and historians and political psychologists who do study the United States have limited their focus to specific forms of nationalist sentiment: ethnocultural or civic nationalism, patriotism, or national pride. This article innovates, first, by examining an unusually broad set of measures (from the 2004 GSS) tapping national identification, ethnocultural and civic criteria for national membership, domain-specific national pride, and invidious comparisons to other nations, thus providing a fuller depiction of Americans’ national self-understanding. Second, we use latent class analysis to explore heterogeneity, partitioning the sample into classes characterized by distinctive patterns of attitudes. Conventional distinctions between ethnocultural and civic nationalism describe just about half of the U.S. population and do not account for the unexpectedly low levels of national pride found among respondents who hold restrictive definitions of American nationhood. A subset of primarily younger and well-educated Americans lacks any strong form of patriotic sentiment; a larger class, primarily older and less well educated, embraces every form of nationalist sentiment. Controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and partisan identification, these classes vary significantly in attitudes toward ethnic minorities, immigration, and national sovereignty. Finally, using comparable data from 1996 and 2012, we find structural continuity and distributional change in national sentiments over a period marked by terrorist attacks, war, economic crisis, and political contention.

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Pulling the Trigger: How Threats to the Nation Increase Support for Military Action via the Generation of Hubris

Cited by 20 publications

References 42 publications

Nationalism in Settled Times

Nationalism in Settled Times

Race and Politics in the Age of Obama

Varieties of American Popular Nationalism

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