Public Policy and Families

Sigle‐Rushton, Wendy; Kenney, Catherine T.

doi:10.1002/9780470999004.ch26

Cited by 5 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…In contrast, the social democratic model of the Nordic countries is characterized by its provision of individualized, citizenship-based entitlements. Compared to the liberal countries, the social democratic and conservative countries tend to have more fully developed family leave and child care policies than the liberal countries, although child care policies are most comprehensive and well developed in the social democratic countries (Waldfogel, 1998;Sigle-Rushton and Kenney, 2003). It is likely that these cross-country differences in welfare state models will affect the employment decisions and household incomes of families with and without children.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The incomes of families with children: a cross-national comparison

Sigle‐Rushton

2007

Journal of European Social Policy

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Using data on seven countries, we estimate trajectories in family incomes for families with and without children following several stylized life-courses. Focusing mainly on women with a medium level of education, we find, in general, that gaps in family income are smallest in the Nordic countries, intermediate in the Anglo-American countries, and largest in the continental European countries. Our findings are similar to patterns observed in the literature on family gaps in women's earnings and suggest that differences in earnings and labour market participation between women with different family histories are the major driver in the gaps in gross and disposable incomes that we observe.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The incomes of families with children: a cross-national comparison

Sigle‐Rushton

2007

Journal of European Social Policy

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“…Overall, White mothers are more likely to remarry or cohabit with a new partner than are minority mothers (Page & Stevens, 2005). Conversely, minority mothers live in intergenerational households more often than is the case among White mothers; grandmothers may see fathers as unreliable and prevent them from visiting (Sigle-Rushton & McLanahan, 2004).…”

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confidence: 99%

Low-income, nonresident father involvement with their toddlers: Variation by fathers' race and ethnicity.

Cabrera

Ryan

Mitchell

et al. 2008

Journal of Family Psychology

107

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Using data from a racially and ethnically diverse sample of low-income mothers of two-year-old children participating in the Early Head Start Research and Evaluation Project (N = 883), fathers' education and employment, mother-father relationship, and mothers' relationships with kin in the household were examined to explain variation in nonresident father involvement across racial and ethnic groups. Nonresident White fathers were less involved with their children than African-American and Latino fathers. This difference was explained by the status of mother-father relationships. White nonresident fathers were less likely than minority nonresident fathers to maintain romantic relationships with their child's mother. Mothers in the White father group were also more likely to re-partner, which negatively related to biological fathers' involvement. These findings suggest that approaches to strengthen nonresident father involvement in children's lives need to consider how father ethnicity and mother-father relations are associated with differential patterns of father involvement.

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“…Although there was (and still is, especially when we consider the larger set of countries that now make up the EU) substantial variation in trends and rates, marriage was increasingly delayed, cohabitation gained in popularity and divorce rates increased in all countries of Europe. Fertility fell to replacement or below replacement levels, and population ageing emerged as a key policy concern (Sigle- Rushton & Kenney, 2004). …”

Section: Sustainability Of Male Breadwinner Welfare Systems Challengedmentioning

confidence: 99%

Fathers and Fatherhood in the European Union

Sigle‐Rushton¹,

Goisis²,

Keizer³

Handbook of Father Involvement

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2 1. Brief Historical Overview and Theoretical PerspectivesOver the past two decades, issues related to fathers and fatherhood have attracted the attention of policymakers and researchers in both the United States and Europe, but in somewhat different ways. Public concerns about early and unmarried parenthood, increasing numbers of fathers living apart from their children, and the role of (biological) fathers in family life have been key issues in the United States (Eggebeen 2002;Marsiglio, Amato, Day, & Lamb, 2000;Pleck, 2004). On the other side of the Atlantic, new social and political challenges such as global economic competitiveness, low fertility, and the long-term financial sustainability of social programs raised questions about gendered policy logics concerning paid work and child care. Directly and indirectly, fathers were incorporated into European Union (EU) debates about how best to promote equal opportunities, to increase female labor market participation, and to improve child outcomes. Most notably, strong incentives to encourage greater father involvement, at least when their children are young, have been embraced as both legitimate and achievable policy goals. In what follows, we draw on theoretical perspectives of gendered welfare regimes to trace how shifting policy logics concerning work and care have incorporated new understandings and expectations of the role of fathers in Europe. The Male Breadwinner as Basis for European Welfare RegimesThe decades following the Second World War were, in most western European countries (the countries that comprised the EU prior to the fifth enlargement which began in 2004), characterized by rapid economic growth and welfare state expansion. At that time, the male breadwinner was the ideal (if not always the norm, 3 especially in working class families), and good fathering was implicitly equated with being steadily employed and a good economic provider (Gillis, 2000). Against this backdrop, new and generous welfare state policies were developed which presumed, reinforced and rewarded a gendered division of labor in which men took responsibility for earning an income and women took responsibility for unpaid work and child care. Indeed, prior to the 1970s, all western European welfare states more or less subscribed to a strong "male breadwinning" ideology (Lewis, 1992). The welfare models that were built around this ideology relied, in most European countries, on the assumption of a generous supply of well-paid jobs, a growing working age population (to fund generous benefits for both workers and their dependent wives and children), and legally recognized and stable (if not permanent) marriages. Sustainability of male breadwinner welfare systems challengedFrom the 1970s, economic and social changes resulted in new risks, some of which directly challenged the underlying policy logics of strong male breadwinner welfare regimes. Existing policy approaches were not well equipped to deal with the challenges of a post-industrial economy with its insecure employment...

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Public Policy and Families

Cited by 5 publications

References 15 publications

The incomes of families with children: a cross-national comparison

The incomes of families with children: a cross-national comparison

Low-income, nonresident father involvement with their toddlers: Variation by fathers' race and ethnicity.

Fathers and Fatherhood in the European Union

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