Abstract:Our study concerns the factors leading to the electoral success and failure of LGBTQ candidates in the context of the changing nature of prejudices. We hypothesize that more positive views toward “respectability candidates,” as captured by familial status, has replaced explicit prejudice toward out LGBTQ candidates in societies where acceptance of sexual minorities in general has grown. In a survey experiment conducted with a sample of Canadian voters, one of the first countries to legalize marriage equality, … Show more
“…8Interestingly, marriage may not just have been a constraint but may also have enabled lesbians and gay men to get elected, as evidenced by the electorate's positive perceptions of lesbian and gay candidates engaged in heteronormative relationships (Everitt and Horvath, 2021). …”
Section: Notesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…7 It should be remembered that same-sex sexual acts were criminalized in Canada until 1969, after which they were policed by other Criminal Code provisions such as the bawdy house section. 8 Interestingly, marriage may not just have been a constraint but may also have enabled lesbians and gay men to get elected, as evidenced by the electorate's positive perceptions of lesbian and gay candidates engaged in heteronormative relationships (Everitt and Horvath, 2021). 9 Indeed, the NDP had only ever had three of their LGBTQ2+ candidates elected, until an unexpected sweep took place in 2011, in which two of the five-person NDP LGBTQ2+ caucus were elected in Quebec, a region in which the NDP typically did poorly.…”
Recent increases in the number of openly LGBTQ2+ candidates have not resulted in a corresponding rise in the number of LGBTQ2+ politicians elected to the Canadian House of Commons, reviving the hypothesis of the “sacrificial lamb” candidacies. Drawing upon Lovenduski and Norris’ work on political recruitment, we analyze the backgrounds and experiences of the 172 LGBTQ2+ candidates who ran in the 2015, 2019 and 2021 federal elections in Canada. Our approach is based on the idea that LGBTQ2+ candidacies are the new sacrificial lambs of Canadian politics, although some of them seem less likely to be sacrificed than others. Indeed, we highlight how the electoral opportunities (for example, district competitiveness) afforded to LGBTQ2+ cis men are more likely to result in success than those afforded to LGBTQ2+ cis women or gender minority candidates.
“…8Interestingly, marriage may not just have been a constraint but may also have enabled lesbians and gay men to get elected, as evidenced by the electorate's positive perceptions of lesbian and gay candidates engaged in heteronormative relationships (Everitt and Horvath, 2021). …”
Section: Notesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…7 It should be remembered that same-sex sexual acts were criminalized in Canada until 1969, after which they were policed by other Criminal Code provisions such as the bawdy house section. 8 Interestingly, marriage may not just have been a constraint but may also have enabled lesbians and gay men to get elected, as evidenced by the electorate's positive perceptions of lesbian and gay candidates engaged in heteronormative relationships (Everitt and Horvath, 2021). 9 Indeed, the NDP had only ever had three of their LGBTQ2+ candidates elected, until an unexpected sweep took place in 2011, in which two of the five-person NDP LGBTQ2+ caucus were elected in Quebec, a region in which the NDP typically did poorly.…”
Recent increases in the number of openly LGBTQ2+ candidates have not resulted in a corresponding rise in the number of LGBTQ2+ politicians elected to the Canadian House of Commons, reviving the hypothesis of the “sacrificial lamb” candidacies. Drawing upon Lovenduski and Norris’ work on political recruitment, we analyze the backgrounds and experiences of the 172 LGBTQ2+ candidates who ran in the 2015, 2019 and 2021 federal elections in Canada. Our approach is based on the idea that LGBTQ2+ candidacies are the new sacrificial lambs of Canadian politics, although some of them seem less likely to be sacrificed than others. Indeed, we highlight how the electoral opportunities (for example, district competitiveness) afforded to LGBTQ2+ cis men are more likely to result in success than those afforded to LGBTQ2+ cis women or gender minority candidates.
“…The main study of LGBT affinity is a survey experiment conducted on Canadian voters (Everitt and Horvath 2021). The authors find that lesbian and gay voters were more likely to support lesbian and gay candidates.…”
Section: Gender Lgbt and Intersecting Affinitiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Although scholars have given considerable attention to gender and racial/ethnic affinity, little work has considered LGBT affinity 1 . Everitt and Horvath (2021) provide experimental evidence that lesbians and gay men are more likely to support lesbian and gay candidates. However, we know from work on other groups that it is possible for experiments to show evidence of affinity even when real-world elections do not.…”
When a party selects an out lesbian as its leader, do women and LGBT people evaluate that leader more positively? And do they become more likely to vote for that party? We answer these questions using the case of Kathleen Wynne, premier of Ontario, Canada, from 2013 to 2018. We draw on four large-sample surveys conducted by Ipsos before and after the 2011 and 2014 Ontario elections. We compare shifts in best premier choice and vote choice among non-LGBT men, non-LGBT women, LGBT men, and LGBT women from 2011 to 2014. We find gender and LGBT affinity effects in leader evaluations. However, we find that only non-LGBT women and LGBT men were more likely to vote Liberal after Wynne became leader. This article contributes to research on affinity effects by examining LGBT affinity in a real-world election and the intersection of gender and LGBT affinity.
“…This comes in the form of making space for this research in special issues of journals and collected editions or in the actual conduct of research on these topics by those less vulnerable because of their seniority or reputations in the discipline. I would point to Graham White's leadership as editor of the CJPS at the time the special issue on Feminism in the Discipline was produced as an example of the former, and my own work on LGBTQ politics in Canada as an example of the later (Everitt, 2015;Everitt and Camp, 2009a, 2009b, 2014Everitt and Lewis, 2020;Everitt and Horvath, 2021;Everitt and Raney, 2019;Everitt and Tremblay, 2020;Tremblay and Everitt, 2020).…”
Canadian political science has changed over the past 50 years; however, these changes have come slowly and lag behind larger societal demographic transformations. While early attention to diversity concentrated on the place of women within the discipline, more recent attention focuses on the presence of Black, Indigenous and other political scientists of colour. Accompanying a diversification of personnel has been a broadening of the substantive focus of our research, as well as an expansion in the epistemological and methodological approaches applied to the study of politics. Yet despite these adaptations, the study of political science in Canada remains siloed and often exclusionary, challenging our ability to train the next generation of scholars to be capable of addressing the issues facing a world that is increasingly complex and diverse.
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