Pseudo-relatives and their left-periphery

Abstract

In this article I propose a new analysis of Pseudo-Relative clauses ('PRs') within the Cartographic model (Rizzi 1997 a.o.). Heretofore, the apparently contradictory behaviour of PRs in the syntactic tests used to determine their structure has been very problematic. Based on new data from Italian, I show that PRs are Small Clauses with a ForceP projection. Moreover, I explain the inconsistent results of the syntactic tests by claiming that PRs can be embedded in different syntactic environments. More specifically, they can be inserted as 'bare' Small Clauses into the matrix clause or be part of a bigger structure: i.e., a Complex-DP, a locative adjunction or a 'Larsonian' structure.

On finite subject-to-object raising in Spanish

“…Similar structures have been observed in other Romance languages, such as Italian (Graffi 1980, Cinque 1992, Casalicchio 2016, French (Kayne 1975), Catalan (Rafel 1999), European Portuguese (Brito 1995), 2 among others. In the literature, two predominant and concurring analyses have been widely discussed for these languages: On one hand, several authors analyze structures like (1) and (2) in parallel to relative clauses, so-called "pseudo-relatives" (e.g.…”

“…It has been noted for Italian (see Graffi 1980, Casalicchio 2016 and Spanish (see Rafel 1999) If Maria in a transitive structure would be coindexed with the object position, pro would intervene in the coindexing relation.…”

“…In the literature, two predominant and concurring analyses have been widely discussed for these languages: On one hand, several authors analyze structures like (1) and (2) in parallel to relative clauses, so-called "pseudo-relatives" (e.g. Radford 1975, Kayne 1975, Cinque 1992, Campos 1994, Rafel 1999, Graffi 1980, Casalicchio 2016. Even though the versions differ in their implementations (see Graffi 2017 for an overview), the apparent matrix object is analyzed as forming part of a small clause, in which a predication relation is established between the accusative DP and the embedded IP.…”

“…Even though the versions differ in their implementations (see Graffi 2017 for an overview), the apparent matrix object is analyzed as forming part of a small clause, in which a predication relation is established between the accusative DP and the embedded IP. For expository purposes, I demonstrate a version of the 'pseudo-relative' approach in (5), in which the small clause is a CP (see Casalicchio 2016) and the relation between the ACC DP and the null subject of the predicate is one of co-reference, other analyses deal with the relation in terms of movement:…”

“…As will be discussed below, 'finite raising-toobject' structures in Spanish indicate that we are not dealing with a full phasal CP, as can be seen, for example, in the impossibility of clause-internal topicalization operations like Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD) and the possibility of wh-extraction. Furthermore, while it has been pointed out that Italian pseudo-relatives, contrary to 'true' relative clauses, show subject-object-asymmetries (Graffi 1980, Cinque 1992, Casalicchio 2016, the corresponding Spanish structure lacks this effect if a resumptive clitic is inserted (cf. Campos 1994, Aldama García 2018).…”