Pseudo-Demosthenes XIII and XXV

Sealey, Raphael

doi:10.3406/reg.1967.3947

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“…Another attractive hypothesis is that, had he tried to attack Athens he would have been considerably delayed since immediately after the battle the Athenians had come up with measures to face a siege and their navy was still efficient. 36 On similar grounds rests the suggestion that Philip needed Athenian manpower and her navy for his forthcoming expedition to Asia and therefore would have been unwise…”

Section: Phokion In 338 and In 335mentioning

confidence: 91%

“…Only in the case of the Phaidros' decree do we get a hint of military activity; but it is concerned with the gathering of the harvest rather than a collision of two armed forces (11. [35][36]. although this would have entailed minor conflict with some troops of Poliorketes who would be engaged to prevent the Athenians from gathering the crops.…”

Section: Athenian Honorandsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Williams considers him as one of the leaders of the oligarchs, given his prominent position in the regime of 322. 36 P. Treves in his article on Demades is largely concerned with the authenticity or not of the sayings that have come down to us, and it is only at a secondary level that he deals with his policy; furthermore, Treves' appraisal largely originates from a romantic attitude towards politics. 37 It is obvious from the concluding quotation in his article that he evaluates politics in terms of magnanimous spirit and not in terms of results, which has always been, even in ancient times, quite unrealistic:…”

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“…restoration of the shields at Delphi (Plut, Demetr. 13);36 again a proposal by Dromokleides to hand over to him Mounychia and the Peiraieus(Plut, Demetr. 34); and the ithyphallos {FGH 76 (Duris of Samos), F 13).…”

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confidence: 99%

“…This mission was in fact instigated by Antipatros who to deliberate on the subject and referred it to Perdikkas (D.S.,XVIII.18.6). The mission was unsuccessful but, apparently, contact between Demades and the chiliarch continued on a correspondence level.By doing so Demades actually tried to advance from a dictated mission to independent diplomacy and a very precarious one: relations between Perdikkas and the other Diadochoi deteriorated and the situation led to an armed conflict (D.S.,XVIII.16, 25,[28][29][30][31][32][33][34][35][36][37]. After Perdikkas' death there were discovered a series of letters he had received from Demades and their contents signalled the orator's death later on.…”

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Early Hellenistic Athens: Leadership and Diplomacy

Κραλλη¹

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IV a) Gauthier's interpretation of the decrees. The law in IG if 832 b) Contextualising the decrees Attitudes towards the stratego! and the rhetores after 338The honorific decrees and the circumstances iv. Vocabulary of the decrees a) The attitude and the role of the kings Philip and Alexander The role of the Antigonids Lysimachos and the Ptolemies in Athenian life b) From eunoia to action: the development in the role of officials Eunoia towards the demos Eunoia towards the Antigonids The pragmatic character of the decrees in the 280s c) Athens and the citizens The form of long narrative The ancestral eunoia The abstract qualities of the honorand Φιλοτιμία d) Athens and the Hellenes The role of Athens in the Lamian War Athens and the Hellenes in the period of Demetrios Poliorketes The Chremonidean War e) Athens and the chore v. Concluding remarks ** CONCLUSION BIBLIOGRAPHY 285 APPENDICES 302 CHAPTER I 1. The causes and the date of the Chremonidean War 2. The problem of the recovery of the Peiraieus CHAPTER II 1. The position of Demetrius Phalereus 2. The office of Lykourgos 3. Philosophers as envoys: Xenokrates and Krates CHAPTER III 1. The identity of Bithys 2. The non-democratic honours for Phokion 3. The inconclusive case of Olympiodoros Appendix of documents 321 VI PREFACE Transliteration of Greek names has always been a laborious task for anyone dealing with ancient literature or history. With regard to the names of ancient authors and the titles of their works I have resolved to use their customary latinised forms, i.e Diodorus or Hyperides. On the other hand, with regard to the names of the various individuals and the toponyms that recur in the text I have opted for simple transliteration of their names, with the notable exceptions of 'Philip', 'Alexander', 'Corinth' and 'Aegean'. Finally, I have used the form 'Macedonia', as an intermediary form between 'Macedon' and 'Makedonia'. This latter form would have been problematic since it would have involved the use of the ethnic 'Makedones', not customary among historians. As to the Greek texts quoted in my thesis I have used the Oxford series of Greek texts and the Teubner edition of Greek authors. I have translated Greek quotations myself (wherever I deemed it necessary) with the help of the Loeb Classical Library of Greek Authors. All dates are B.C. unless otherwise stated.In the bibliography I have^ tried to include all relevant recent articles and books with the notable exception of two books that came out too late to take account of them: C.

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Section: Phokion In 338 and In 335mentioning

confidence: 91%

Section: Athenian Honorandsmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Early Hellenistic Athens: Leadership and Diplomacy

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Greek Memories

2019

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Chalcenteric Negligence

West¹

1970

The Class. Q.

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Didymus, in modern works of reference, gets rather a good press. It is conceded on all sides that he was not an original researcher and that his remarks often betray a certain want of common sense. But the general estimate is favourable: more recent works do not substantially dissent from Sandys’ verdict (History of Classical Scholarship, i. 143): ‘The age of creative and original scholars was past and the best service that remained to be rendered was the careful preservation of the varied stores of ancient learning; and this service was faithfully and industriously rendered by Didymus.’ His industry is, of course, beyond question. But it is perhaps surprising that his reputation for accuracy did not drop sharply with the publication of the Berlin papyrus of the,the defects of which cast grave doubt on his reliability and general competence.

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Pseudo-Demosthenes XIII and XXV

Abstract: This article tries to show that the two speeches were not composed by Demosthenes but by later rhetoricians.

Cited by 5 publications

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Early Hellenistic Athens: Leadership and Diplomacy

Early Hellenistic Athens: Leadership and Diplomacy

Greek Memories

Chalcenteric Negligence

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