Prototype theory and compositionality

Kamp, Hans; Partee, Barbara H.

doi:10.1016/0010-0277(94)00659-9

Cited by 469 publications

(334 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…There appear to be, however, many phenomena in language that are non-compositional and which are not directly accounted for by conventional models of compositionality (Partee, 1992, Kamp andPartee, 1995). This gap in descriptive power has motivated several views of richer representation and semantic operations, one of which is Generative Lexicon Theory (Pustejovsky, 1995).…”

Section: Semantic Transparencymentioning

confidence: 99%

Type Theory and Lexical Decomposition

Pustejovsky

2012

Advances in Generative Lexicon Theory

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In this paper, I explore the relation between methods of lexical representation involving decomposition and the theory of types as used in linguistics and programming semantics. I identify two major approaches to lexical decomposition in grammar, what I call parametric and predicative strategies. I demonstrate how expressions formed with one technique can be translated into expressions of the other. I then discuss argument selection within a type theoretic approach to semantics, and show how the predicative approach to decomposition can be modeled within a type theory with richer selectional mechanisms. In particular, I show how classic Generative Lexicon representations and operations can be viewed in terms of types and selection.

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Section: Semantic Transparencymentioning

confidence: 99%

Type Theory and Lexical Decomposition

Pustejovsky

2012

Advances in Generative Lexicon Theory

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“…One may wonder, however, whether the incompatibility could be removed by changing the minimum rule slightly. There are two straightforward extensions of the minimum rule that we want to consider: First, one can simply allow the minimum to be weighted (hereinafter called the weighted minimum rule model), and second, one can allow a simple calibration of the response scale (hereinafter called the calibrated minimum rule model) in order to distribute typicality ratings more equally across the scale (Jones, 1982;Kamp & Partee, 1995; for a related discussion concerning overextensions, see Huttenlocher & Hedges, 1994).…”

Section: Simple Functional Hypotheses and Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The argument, presented as part ofa general critique ofthe prototype view on concept representation, has received considerable attention in the literature (for details, see, e.g., Cohen & Murphy, 1984;Hampton, 1983Hampton, , 1988Jones, 1982;Kamp & Partee, 1995;Lakoff, 1987;Thagard, 1983;Zadeh, 1982).…”

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confidence: 99%

Predicting conjunction typicalities by component typicalities

Storms

Boeck

Hampton

et al. 1999

Psychonomic Bulletin & Review

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In two studies, we investigated to what extent typicalities in conjunctive concepts phrased as relative clauses-such as pets that are also birds-ean be predicted from simple functions of constituent typicalities and from extensions of such functions. In a first study, analyses of a large aggregated data set, based on seven different experiments, showed that a calibrated minimum rule model and some extensions of this model accounted for a very large part of the variance in the conjunction typicalities. The same models can also account for the so-called guppy effect. A psychological explanation is presented, which states that typicalitiesin contrast categories, likepets that are not birds and birds that are not pets, further improve the prediction of conjunction typicalities. This hypothesis is tested in a second study.One of the central questions about conceptual combinations is what happens to constituent concepts that are combined into a complex concept. Different types ofconceptual combinations have been distinguished: adjectivenoun combinations, such as sour wine (see, e.g., Murphy, 1988;Smith & Osherson, 1984;Smith, Osherson, Rips, & Keane, 1988), noun-noun combinations, such as pocket knife (Wisniewski, 1997;Wisniewski & Gentner, 1991), and relative clause descriptions, such as pets that are also birds (Hampton, 1987(Hampton, , 1988Storms, De Boeck, Van Mechelen, & Geeraerts, 1993;Storms, Van Mechelen, & De Boeck, 1994). In adjective-noun and nounnoun combinations, a considerable ambiguity may be present, in that a variety of relations can be implied. Ocean boat, ocean drive, and ocean book, for instance, all activate different relations between the head noun and the modifier ofthe compound (Murphy, 1988;Wisniewski, 1997). Relative clause descriptions of the form XS that are also YS differ from noun-noun and adjective-noun combinations in that this sort of conceptual combination implies a clear type of relation between the complex concept and its constituents-namely, a which are also relation.

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“…The second statement essentially says that deftly is subsective (Kamp and Partee, 1995): deftly v'ing involves v'ing (see Figure 1). The third and fourth capture basic lexical entailments.…”

Section: Motivating Examplementioning

confidence: 99%

A Monotonicity Calculus and Its Completeness

Icard

Moss

Tune

2017

Proceedings of the 15th Meeting on the Mathematics of Language

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One of the prominent mathematical features of natural language is the prevalence of "upward" and "downward" inferences involving determiners and other functional expressions. These inferences are associated with negative and positive polarity positions in syntax, and they also feature in computer implementations of textual entailment. Formal treatments of these phenomena began in the 1980's and have been refined and expanded in the last 10 years. This paper takes a large step in the area by extending typed lambda calculus to the ordered setting. Not only does this provide a formal tool for reasoning about upward and downward inferences in natural language, it also applies to the analysis of monotonicity arguments in mathematics more generally.

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Prototype theory and compositionality

Cited by 469 publications

References 27 publications

Type Theory and Lexical Decomposition

Type Theory and Lexical Decomposition

Predicting conjunction typicalities by component typicalities

A Monotonicity Calculus and Its Completeness

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