Protest, Neo-Liberalism or Anti-Immigrant Sentiment: What Motivates the Voters of the Extreme Right in Western Europe?

Abstract

Over the last three decades, the parties of the "Extreme", "Radical" or "Populist" Right have become a political staple in Western Europe. However, comparative evidence on the motives of their voters is relatively scarce. This article assesses the empirical effects of the most prominent alleged motivational factors -"pure" (i.e. performance related) protest, anti-immigrant sentiment, and neo-liberal economic preferences -on the extreme right vote while controlling for a whole host of background variables. While protest and neo-liberalism have no statistically significant impact whatsoever, immigrant sentiment plays a crucial role in all countries but Italy. Its effect is moderated, however, by general ideological preferences and party 1 identification. Consequentially, comparative electoral research should focus on the circumstances under which immigration is politicised.

The Two Dimensions of Narcissistic Personality and Support for the Radical Right: The Role of Right–Wing Authoritarianism, Social Dominance Orientation and Anti–Immigrant Sentiment

“…So far, a lot of studies have analysed the main determinants of RRP support and found the vote choices for RRPs to be mostly motivated by anti-immigrant sentiments (AISs) and group-threat perceptions (Arzheimer, 2008(Arzheimer, , 2018Bakker, Rooduijn, & Schumacher, 2016;Berning & Ziller, 2017;Lucassen & Lubbers, 2012;Norris, 2005;Rydgren, 2008;van der Brug, Fennema, & Tillie, 2000). To understand the psychological, long-standing roots of RRP support, previous studies have focused on the five factor model (Costa & McCrae, 1976;Costa & McCrae, 1992), which emphasises that specific personality traits, particularly low levels of agreeableness and openness to experience, and sometimes also a high level of conscientiousness and neuroticism, are indirectly related to vote choices for RRPs (Aichholzer & Zandonella, 2016;Bakker et al, 2016;Schimpf & Schoen, 2017;Schoen & Schumann, 2007;Ziller & Berning, 2019).…”

A Radical Right-Wing Failure in Canada

“…Therefore, authoritarian sentiment has risen in Canada since 2006. It is germane to note that individuals are not mobilized to vote for RRPs by these three attitudes equally, with antiimmigrant attitudes being the most influential of the three (Arzheimer, 2008;Ivarsflaten, 2008;Rooduijn, 2015). I therefore conclude that based on public opinion, 2019 did not offer a particularly opportune time for the PPC to succeed.…”

“…In response to this loss of national identity, people may turn to nationalism, popular xenophobia, racism, and ethno-pluralism (Rydgren, 2007, p. 251). A vast majority of research supports this reasoning (Ambrose & Mudde, 2015;Arzheimer, 2008;Arzheimer, 2018;Arzheimer & Berning, 2019;Bélanger & Aarts, 2006;Betz, 1994;Daigle et al, 2019;Davis et al, 2019;Gidron & Hall, 2019;Goerres et al, 2018;Halikiopoulou & Vlandas, 2019;Ignazi, 1992;Ivarsflaten, 2005;Ivarsflaten, 2008;Lubbers & Coenders, 2017;Lubbers et al, 2002;Minkenberg, 2000;Muis & Immerzeel, 2017;Nevitte et al, 1998;Rooduijn, 2015;Rovny & Polk, 2019;Rydgren, 2002;Rydgren, 2007;Rydgren, 2008;Van Der Brug et al, 2005;Zhirkov, 2014). A few studies find no link (Besco & Tolley, 2019;Kitschelt & McGann, 1995;Oesch, 2008;Turnbull-Dugarte, 2019), while Stockemer et al (2018) finds mixed results.…”

“…A substantial number of studies support this explanation (Arzheimer, 2009;Bélanger & Aarts, 2006;Berning & Ziller, 2017;Betz, 1994;Ellinas, 2014;Gidengil, 2001;Gidron & Hall, 2019;Goerres et al, 2018;Ignazi, 1992;Ivarsflaten, 2005;Knigge, 1998;Kriesi et al, 2006;Lubbers & Coenders, 2017;Lubbers et al, 2002;Lubbers & Scheepers, 2000;Minkenberg, 2000;Nevitte et al, 1998;Rooduijn, 2015;Rydgren, 2002;Rydgren, 2007;Zhirkov, 2014). There are also a few studies that do not find a link between distrust/dissatisfaction and RRP support (Arzheimer, 2008;Ivarsflaten, 2008;Muis & Immerzeel, 2017;Oesch, 2008;Stockemer et al, 2018;Turnbull-Dugarte, 2019). This contradiction in the literature is the result of at least three factors.…”

A Tale of Odds and Ratios: Political Preference Formation in Postindustrial Democracies

“…In support of both cleavage theory and concepts of issue salience/ownership, there is no indication that a pluralisation of lifestyle and employment situations, a loosening of tight links between parties and their voters (dealignment; Dalton and Wattenberg 2000), and, to some extent, responsible partisan government gave way to an atomisation of preferences at the individual level or random clustering of preferences across salient political issues. This is indicated, for example, in the realignment of parts of the working class that fuels right-wing populist parties' electoral successes (Arzheimer 2008). At the end of the day, it is still just a handful of party families and party types that take the lion's share of votes in general elections.…”