Abstract:In spite of years of efforts in Turkey to reform the police, including an increase in budget allocations for ‘democratic policing training’, ‘capacity building programmes’ and ‘non‐lethal technologies and tools’, police violence persists. How might we conceptualize the relationship between the upsurge of police violence and such investments? In this article, the author suggests that instead of taking ‘reform’ or ‘transformation’ discourses at face value, we look at some of the ways in which police violence is … Show more
“…While the surveillance in post-conflict Diyarbakir results in a remaking of police-citizen relations noted by others elsewhere, it also turns queer and trans Kurds into political subjects of the state-PKK conflict through a fullyfledged queer counter/insurgency and by turning people into 'citizen forces' (Akarsu 2018).…”
This article examines the intimacies and socialities of queer and transgender Kurds shaped by the sex work economy and ongoing conflict between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). In their struggle for livelihoods, they manoeuvre through various forms of surveillance by the state and one another, necessitating what some call a chameleon subjectivity that protects one from surveillance. Central to the dynamics of their socialities are norms based on how they paid the price (bedel) to earn the right to be in the sex work economy. These everyday socialities are now intimately and increasingly interwoven with the institutions, discourses and practices of securitization in Kurdish Turkey, turning queer Kurds into particular kinds of political subjects.
“…While the surveillance in post-conflict Diyarbakir results in a remaking of police-citizen relations noted by others elsewhere, it also turns queer and trans Kurds into political subjects of the state-PKK conflict through a fullyfledged queer counter/insurgency and by turning people into 'citizen forces' (Akarsu 2018).…”
This article examines the intimacies and socialities of queer and transgender Kurds shaped by the sex work economy and ongoing conflict between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). In their struggle for livelihoods, they manoeuvre through various forms of surveillance by the state and one another, necessitating what some call a chameleon subjectivity that protects one from surveillance. Central to the dynamics of their socialities are norms based on how they paid the price (bedel) to earn the right to be in the sex work economy. These everyday socialities are now intimately and increasingly interwoven with the institutions, discourses and practices of securitization in Kurdish Turkey, turning queer Kurds into particular kinds of political subjects.
“…On the contrary, adjustments made in police laws extended the prerogative powers of the police and their right to use firearms in accordance with the global tendencies of “efficient” security policies and antiterror laws. 1 At the time, these transformations were wedded to police reforms by focusing on the issues of human rights, accountability, transparency, and good governance as part of the country's attempt to join the EU (Akarsu, 2018; Babul, 2013). While the reports on police brutality—ill-treatment, torture, and use of lethal force—were rising in the country, the means of documenting such violations seemed to be “progressing” (Sinclair-Webb, 2008).…”
This article offers an analysis of audiovisual evidence claims in the struggle for identifying and documenting police violence in Turkish criminal courts. Focusing on a fatal police shooting in an urban district predominantly populated by leftist groups and marginalized communities, it aims to illustrate the limits of both criminal trials and audiovisual technologies of proof. The “culture of impunity” has been the prevailing framework to describe courts’ denial of the ongoing violence of law enforcement. Instead, this article pays attention to the formation of facts, regulation of sensory perceptions, and affective engagements in the courtroom. Drawing on the ethnographically grounded examination of the hearings and the case file, I argue that criminal trials establish the particular legibility of video evidence and police violence. Furthermore, the breach between the ways of seeing, hearing, and interpreting these media serves to delineate different political communities, challenging the assumed unity over which the law has authority.
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