Property Rights and Stratification in Socialist Redistributive Economies

Walder, Andrew G.

doi:10.2307/2096099

Cited by 260 publications

(129 citation statements)

References 40 publications

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“…Work units were largely responsible for the construction and the distribution of these housing units before the housing reform in the mid-1990s (Bian et al 1997;Logan and Bian 1993;Whyte and Parish 1984). The ownership and bureaucratic ranks of work units affected the size and the amenities of the housing units (Bian 1994;Walder 1986Walder , 1992.…”

Section: Post-reform Chinamentioning

confidence: 99%

Changes in the Determinants of Marriage Entry in Post-Reform Urban China

2015

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Using national survey data and measures of housing prices, we examine the effects of demographic and socioeconomic determinants of entry into marriage in urban China spanning the past six decades. Our study yields three significant findings. First, the importance of economic prospects has significantly increased during the economic reform era. Second, the positive effect of working in the state-owned sector has substantially weakened. Third, for the most recent period after the housing reform in urban China, the effects of education vary with local housing prices. Specifically, a higher level of education is associated with early entry into marriage when housing prices are relatively high but with late entry into marriage when housing prices are relatively low. Taken together, these results suggest that the determinants of marriage in China should be understood within a broader context of institutional changes.

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Section: Post-reform Chinamentioning

confidence: 99%

Changes in the Determinants of Marriage Entry in Post-Reform Urban China

2015

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“…Each work unit had a bureaucratic rank that supported its capacity to bargain with governments for resources on behalf of its employees. Work units constituted a hierarchy in which party/government institutions were ranked on the top and collectively-owned enterprises on the bottom (Brian 1994;Walder 1992). The strong dependence of workers on their work units and their identity became an important sign of social status and the main vehicle for social mobility (Lin & Bian, 1991;Wu, 2001).…”

Section: Urban Housing In Chinamentioning

confidence: 99%

Voting in Local Political Elections by Urban Chinese Middle Class: Does Housing Matter?

Wang

2016

AJSSS

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This paper examines the impact of types of housing on the tendency to engage in neighborhood-level political participation among urban residents in China, using 2005 China General Social Survey. Four types of housing were discussed: commercial housing; previously state-owned (work unit) housing; old neighborhood; and other types of housing (i.e. migration housing). Two indicators of local political participation were presented in the form of Local People's Congress elections and Residents' Committee elections. Using multivariate logistic regression analysis, the authors found that types of housing had strong implications for voting in local elections among Chinese urban residents. First, the likelihood of voting in two local elections was lowest among residents living in commercial housing, and the highest in old neighborhoods. Second, participation in community-led venues (i.e. cultural events) enhanced the voting rate among residents living in commercial housing. Results highlight the importance of the sweeping housing reform in urban neighborhoods to local political participation in contemporary China, and the changing relationship between state and society. Although rapid economic reform has diversified and alienated the neighborhood, community-led civic activities can reunify the residents and enhance their local political participation. This effect was more significant among the young, college-educated, high-income middle class.

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“…Non-wage benefits from work Á/ larger and better housing in more desirable neighborhoods, access to better hospitals, use of vacation resorts, etc. (Voslensky 1980;Walder 1992) Á/ will influence actual income differences. Morrison (1984) estimated the advantages high-ranking CP members enjoyed in addition to their basic income and concluded that taking into account these non-wage benefits leads to greater income inequality.…”

Section: Data and Measuresmentioning

confidence: 99%