“…Despite an array of metrics developed to provide nuanced understandings of poverty and inequality in Peru (see Fernández‐Maldonado and Bredenoord ), the description of Pachacútec as a “pocket of poverty” reflects a tendency to bundle these indicators together to convey an image of abject social exclusion that is distinctly spatial and can be assessed visually. As a field agent for FONCODES, a state organization responsible for mapping poverty and targeting social assistance programs, explained, Of course we have extreme poverty here in urban areas.…”
Section: Housing Paradoxes In Pachacútecmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This law prohibited the formation of new settlements while promising to help “organized communities” improve infrastructural conditions in existing settlements until they complied with modern urbanization standards and became eligible for individual land titles. However, when the government could not keep pace with its obligations to upgrade settlements, Congress passed legislation allowing for legal recognition of settlements and property holders before infrastructure was installed (Calderón Cockburn ; Fernández‐Maldonado and Bredenoord ). Thus a pattern emerged in which illegal occupation was followed by legal recognition and infrastructure would be installed after the fact through settlers' lobbying and “self‐help” construction efforts.…”
Section: Housing History and Policymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The international housing community adopted much of Turner's “progressive” housing agenda, but coupled it with “sites and services” upgrading policies that helped governments regulate urban development while ensuring the poor maintained a stake in the liberal capitalist order (Harris ). In so doing, the international community bolstered squatters' moral legitimacy as people “mainly interested in consolidating their housing investments, getting their kids into school, and identifying themselves as respectable property owners” (Mangin and Turner , 155) and sanctioned the rise of “planned barriadas” like Pachacútec as viable housing solutions for needy families (Fernández‐Maldonado and Bredenoord ).…”
Section: Housing History and Policymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…From this vantage, the recent finding that only 6 percent of homes in Lima's barriadas (shantytowns) constitute “finished” dwellings, while over 90 percent remain in incipient and medium states of consolidation seems especially troubling (Fernández‐Maldonado ; Tokeshi et al ) . It signals that development in Lima's peripheries has stagnated and that “self‐help” housing settlements like Pachacútec have resolved Peru's quantitative housing deficit only to replace it with a qualitative one (Fernández‐Maldonado and Bredenoord ). Meanwhile, these housing attributes also send unofficial signals about the cultural and moral standing of the inhabitants.…”
Section: Introduction: Housing Poverty and Progressmentioning
Peru's urban peripheries have long been shaped by the intertwining of urban development policies with Peruvians' domestic aspirations. Since the 1960s, different formulations of progressive and self‐help housing policies have relied on and reproduced a domestic life course model in which Peruvians' inexorable progress through the “domestic cycle” is mirrored in the steady transformation of their precarious, unconsolidated shantytown homes into “noble” (modern; concrete) constructions in fully urbanized neighborhoods. While shantytowns partially reflect this predictable life course temporality, they are also shaped by future imaginings and contingent time. People use shantytowns to fulfill ideals of adulthood, autonomy, and success, but also to hedge their bets, retreating from some relations while striving to forge new ones. Drawing on twenty‐one months of fieldwork in Peruvian shantytowns, this article examines informal urban development from a contingent life course perspective to demonstrate how Peru's urban peripheries are embedded in and shaped by Peruvians' efforts to pursue domestic life projects while managing fluctuating kin relations and preparing for uncertain futures.
“…Despite an array of metrics developed to provide nuanced understandings of poverty and inequality in Peru (see Fernández‐Maldonado and Bredenoord ), the description of Pachacútec as a “pocket of poverty” reflects a tendency to bundle these indicators together to convey an image of abject social exclusion that is distinctly spatial and can be assessed visually. As a field agent for FONCODES, a state organization responsible for mapping poverty and targeting social assistance programs, explained, Of course we have extreme poverty here in urban areas.…”
Section: Housing Paradoxes In Pachacútecmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This law prohibited the formation of new settlements while promising to help “organized communities” improve infrastructural conditions in existing settlements until they complied with modern urbanization standards and became eligible for individual land titles. However, when the government could not keep pace with its obligations to upgrade settlements, Congress passed legislation allowing for legal recognition of settlements and property holders before infrastructure was installed (Calderón Cockburn ; Fernández‐Maldonado and Bredenoord ). Thus a pattern emerged in which illegal occupation was followed by legal recognition and infrastructure would be installed after the fact through settlers' lobbying and “self‐help” construction efforts.…”
Section: Housing History and Policymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The international housing community adopted much of Turner's “progressive” housing agenda, but coupled it with “sites and services” upgrading policies that helped governments regulate urban development while ensuring the poor maintained a stake in the liberal capitalist order (Harris ). In so doing, the international community bolstered squatters' moral legitimacy as people “mainly interested in consolidating their housing investments, getting their kids into school, and identifying themselves as respectable property owners” (Mangin and Turner , 155) and sanctioned the rise of “planned barriadas” like Pachacútec as viable housing solutions for needy families (Fernández‐Maldonado and Bredenoord ).…”
Section: Housing History and Policymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…From this vantage, the recent finding that only 6 percent of homes in Lima's barriadas (shantytowns) constitute “finished” dwellings, while over 90 percent remain in incipient and medium states of consolidation seems especially troubling (Fernández‐Maldonado ; Tokeshi et al ) . It signals that development in Lima's peripheries has stagnated and that “self‐help” housing settlements like Pachacútec have resolved Peru's quantitative housing deficit only to replace it with a qualitative one (Fernández‐Maldonado and Bredenoord ). Meanwhile, these housing attributes also send unofficial signals about the cultural and moral standing of the inhabitants.…”
Section: Introduction: Housing Poverty and Progressmentioning
Peru's urban peripheries have long been shaped by the intertwining of urban development policies with Peruvians' domestic aspirations. Since the 1960s, different formulations of progressive and self‐help housing policies have relied on and reproduced a domestic life course model in which Peruvians' inexorable progress through the “domestic cycle” is mirrored in the steady transformation of their precarious, unconsolidated shantytown homes into “noble” (modern; concrete) constructions in fully urbanized neighborhoods. While shantytowns partially reflect this predictable life course temporality, they are also shaped by future imaginings and contingent time. People use shantytowns to fulfill ideals of adulthood, autonomy, and success, but also to hedge their bets, retreating from some relations while striving to forge new ones. Drawing on twenty‐one months of fieldwork in Peruvian shantytowns, this article examines informal urban development from a contingent life course perspective to demonstrate how Peru's urban peripheries are embedded in and shaped by Peruvians' efforts to pursue domestic life projects while managing fluctuating kin relations and preparing for uncertain futures.
“…For various reasons, self-help has been seen as the natural choice for the poor in developing countries. Self-help housing can be adapted progressively (Fernandez-Maldonado & Bredenoord, 2010) to fit the changing needs of families that tend to stay in the same house for long periods of time (Ward, Huerta, Grajeda, & Ubaldo Velazquez, 2011). In a recent study, Sakay, Sanoni, and Toshihiro (2011) provide a good example of how a house can grow and adapt over time according to the needs and possibilities of the families that live in them.…”
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