Privatizing the Welfare State: Nonprofit Community-Based Organizations as Political Actors

Marwell, Nicole P.

doi:10.1177/000312240406900206

Cited by 392 publications

(285 citation statements)

References 56 publications

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“…Although growth-machine politics and the influence of wealthy corporations continue to influence economic development, episodes such as the collapse of the multibillion dollar plan for the 2024 Boston Olympics in the face of widespread public opposition-in considerable part over environmental concernsreveal the increasing importance of civic engagement and grassroots opposition in the politics of urban planning. In addition, the devolution of federal resources in the last few decades has resulted in a sharp move away from direct transfers (e.g., welfare payments to individuals) toward nonprofit organizations serving as mediators of federal support to low-income populations (27,28), reshaping the form of local urban governance. New research in Boston, for example, has also found that community-based organizations superseded elected politicians as the legitimate representatives of the city's economic and infrastructure development of a large corridor running through poor minority neighborhoods (29).…”

Section: Social Mechanisms and Processes Underlying Sustainabilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Urban sustainability in an age of enduring inequalities: Advancing theory and ecometrics for the 21st-century city

Sampson

2017

Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.

107

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The environmental fragility of cities under advanced urbanization has motivated extensive efforts to promote the sustainability of urban ecosystems and physical infrastructures. Less attention has been devoted to neighborhood inequalities and fissures in the civic infrastructure that potentially challenge social sustainability and the capacity of cities to collectively address environmental challenges. This article draws on a program of research in three American cities—Boston, Chicago, and Los Angeles—to develop hypotheses and methodological strategies for assessing how the multidimensional and multilevel inequalities that characterize contemporary cities bear on sustainability. In addition to standard concerns with relative inequality in income, the article reviews evidence on compounded deprivation, racial cleavages, civic engagement, institutional cynicism, and segregated patterns of urban mobility and organizational ties that differentially connect neighborhood resources. Harnessing “ecometric” measurement tools and emerging sources of urban data with a theoretically guided framework on neighborhood inequality can enhance the pursuit of sustainable cities, both in the United States and globally.

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Section: Social Mechanisms and Processes Underlying Sustainabilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Urban sustainability in an age of enduring inequalities: Advancing theory and ecometrics for the 21st-century city

Sampson

2017

Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.

107

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“…Our hypothesis that blended forms of social action constitute an increasing form of collective civic action in the United States is further motivated by the fact that community-based nonprofit organizations have grown over time and have become increasingly embedded in the political process through the mediation of publicly funded services (Marwell 2004). An intriguing body of research also suggests the potential of local nonprofit organizations to foster collective action (Small 2004;Warren 2004) and to correct for market or government "failures" in the production of public goods (Hansmann 1987;Weisbrod 1988;Berry 2003).…”

Section: Emergence Of Blended Forms Of Actionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Civil Society Reconsidered: The Durable Nature and Community Structure of Collective Civic Action

Sampson

McAdam

MacIndoe

et al. 2005

American Journal of Sociology

308

257

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The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters. Simó n Weffer-Elizondo Harvard UniversityThis article develops a conceptual framework on civil society that shifts the dominant focus on individuals to collective action eventscivic and protest alike-that bring people together in public to realize a common purpose. Analyzing over 4,000 events in the Chicago area from 1970 to 2000, the authors find that while civic engagement is durable overall, "sixties-style" protest declines, and hybrid events that combine public claims making with civic forms of behaviorwhat they call "blended social action"-increase. Furthermore, dense social ties, group memberships, and neighborly exchange do not predict community variations in collective action. The density of nonprofit organizations matters instead, suggesting that declines in traditional social capital may not be as consequential for civic capacity as commonly thought.

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“…These appropriately named "hybrid organizations" (Minkoff 2002) are involved with most types of charitable services. Marwell (2004), for example, noted the rise of "machine politics" community based organizations (CBOs), which distribute community services and create reliable voting blocs to elect officials who support the group's mission. Smith and Lipsky (1993) similarly discussed "upstart" organizations, which develop from the contracting out of social service delivery by governments and then play an active role in advocating for the continued and increased funding of programs.…”

Section: The Great Lobbying Dividementioning

confidence: 99%

Advocacy Inequalities among Nonprofits: Do Mission and Tax Status Make Differences

Chand¹

2016

ARP

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Scholars have long recognized the high levels of participation by organized business in the “pressure system” (Baumgartner and Leech 2001; Schattschneider 1960; Scholzman and Tierney 1986) and have recently begun studying charitable group involvement, or lack thereof, in the policy influence process (Berry and Arons 2003; Berry 2005 and 2006). Few studies, however, have made comparisons of activities across interest group sectors; and none have done so focusing exclusively on nonprofit associations. This study contributes to the recent nonprofit lobbying literature by examining the lobbying activities of membership associations that issue legislator ratings, or “scorecards.” Creating a sample from scorecard-issuing groups limits focus to nonprofits that have an indicated interest in congressional policy. Specifically, this study attempts to determine if business associations spend significantly more and charitable associations significantly less on lobbying activities. Using analysis of variance methods, the author finds that business associations do spend significantly more on lobbying than their charitable and ideological tax-exempt counterparts. Labor unions fall somewhere in between business and charitable and ideological groups. Finally, groups employing “complex organizational structures” (Boris and Krehely 2002; Reid 2001) lobby at higher levels than groups with one tax status, although this finding does not apply to charitable groups.

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Privatizing the Welfare State: Nonprofit Community-Based Organizations as Political Actors

Cited by 392 publications

References 56 publications

Urban sustainability in an age of enduring inequalities: Advancing theory and ecometrics for the 21st-century city

Urban sustainability in an age of enduring inequalities: Advancing theory and ecometrics for the 21st-century city

Civil Society Reconsidered: The Durable Nature and Community Structure of Collective Civic Action

Advocacy Inequalities among Nonprofits: Do Mission and Tax Status Make Differences

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