Private Space as the Social Context of Arianism in Ambrose's Milan

No Arians in Milan? Ambrose on the Basilica Crisis of 385/6

“…12 More recently scholars have begun to suppose that the prime beneficiaries, if not the actual instigators of the request for a basilica, were to be found among a local "Arian" opposition, and Maier in particular insisted on the role of such a group (and its "bishop") in 'catapulting the court to appropriate a church to house the Arian community' . 13 Indeed, the request for a basilica is now commonly explained precisely as 7 McLynn (1994) 185; Maier (1994) 81-2, relying on the fifth-century Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum and on the rhetoric of imperial laws against heresy; but see now the interpretation of such claims in Bowes (2008) 193-6. The position of Maier is explicitly followed in e. g. Burrus (1995) 87, Davidson (2002) 65-8, Gwynn (2010) 253-5 and Kalleres (2015 that the Christian population of Milan was divided into doctrinal factions is also supposed, without any explicit reference to the works discussed here, in Krautheimer (1983) 72, Lancel (2002) 77, Liebeschuetz (2005 and Sizgorich (2009) 60.…”

“…76[20].20;McLynn (1994) 192 n.110 has the message sent by 'a group of soldiers', but the text has only a militibus and it is unclear how a group of the soldiers could either claim to guarantee the emperor's safety or dare to dictate to him in opposition to their comrades. 54 Nauroy (1988) 55 n.157, noticing the problem, suggests that Goths were a minority in Valentinian's army; but this is rejected by McLynn (1994( ) 192 n.119. 55 Walford (1881 131; Beyenka (1954) 368.…”

“…86 Thus Liebeschuetz (2005) 136 observes it as 'an interesting fact' with little further comment; Maier (1994) 84 notes that an analysis of events in terms of a clash between Justina and Ambrose 'rests to a large degree on the primary sources, which vilify Justina as motivated by deceit and the desire to break the power of Ambrose' . 87 Maier (1994) 84: 'it is too superficial to portray the events … solely as the outcome of a clash of personality'; cf. 84 n. 44: 'Such portrayals are of course to be expected from pro-Nicene authors of the period.'…”

“…84 n. 44: 'Such portrayals are of course to be expected from pro-Nicene authors of the period.' 88 Maier (1994) 84 n. 44: 'Rufinus … was expanding on the interpretation of Justina's character provided by Ambrose'; see also Cameron (2011) 80-7 on Paulinus's dependence on Ambrose's letters.…”

Lived Ancient Religion: una nueva herramienta teórica para el estudio de los espacios rurales cristianos de la Hispania tardo-antigua (ss. IV-V)

“…Este, en aras de una eficaz dirección del capital humano y del rendimiento económico de la hacienda bien podía optar por mantener los usos religiosos tradicionales. En efecto, no resulta en absoluto sorprendente que un propietario cristiano consintiera el desarrollo de prácticas paganas si así lo consideraba oportuno para la buena marcha 77 Díaz y Díaz 1980;García Iglesias 1980;Martínez Díez y Rodríguez 1984, 293-296. 78 Maier 1994;Bowes 2001;2010, 205-209. 79 Siguiendo la dinámica propuesta por Michel de Certeau, aplicada igualmente como herramienta dentro del paradigma de la lived religion.…”