Private Investment in India 1900–1939

Bagchi, Amiya Kumar

doi:10.1017/cbo9780511563218

Cited by 225 publications

(33 citation statements)

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“…This was not the case in the other important industrial belt of Bombay during this time (Bagchi 1972). In the 1930s, most of these industries had gone through a recession, and net investment by the firms controlling them had slowed down or disappeared altogether.…”

Section: Industrialization In West Bengal In the Context Of A More LImentioning

confidence: 92%

Women, Labour and the Economy in India

Chakravarty¹,

Chakravarty²

2015

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The last available census estimated around 10 per cent of total urban working women in India are concentrated in the low-paid domestic services such as cleaning, cooking and taking care of the children and the elderly. This is found to be much higher in certain parts of India, emerging as the single most important avenue for urban females, surpassing males in the service since the 1980s.By applying an imaginative and refreshing mix of disciplinary approaches ranging from economic models of the household, empirical analysis and literary conventions, this book analyses the changing labour economy in post-Partition West Bengal. It explains how and why women and girl children have replaced this traditionally male bias in the gender segregated domestic service industry since the late 1940s, and addresses the question of whether this increase in vulnerable individuals working in domestic service, the growth of the urban professional middle class in the post liberalization period, and the increasing incidences of reported abuses of domestics, in urban middleclass homes in the recent years, are related.Covering five decades of the history of gender and labour in India, this book will be of interest to scholars working in the fields of gender and labour relations, development studies, economics, history, and women and gender studies.Deepita Chakravarty is Associate Professor and Chairperson at the Centre for Women's Studies,

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Section: Industrialization In West Bengal In the Context Of A More LImentioning

confidence: 92%

Women, Labour and the Economy in India

Chakravarty¹,

Chakravarty²

2015

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“…In 1901-02, the home charges amounted to £ 17.36 million (Bagchi, 1970). During 1921-22, these charges sharply increased to 40% of the total revenue of the British Government (see fig.…”

Section: March 2016mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Meaning and Methods of Drain of Wealth in Colonial India

Meena

2016

IRJMIS

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Among all the national movements in colonial countries, the Indian national movement was the most deeply and firmly rooted in understanding the nature and character of colonial economic domination and exploitation. Its early leaders, known as the moderates, were the first in the 19th century to develop an economic critique of colonialism. The constant flow of wealth from India to England for which India did not get an adequate economic, commercial or material return has been described by Indian nationalist and economists as drain of wealth from India. They made it clear that the colonial government was utilizing Indian resources, both natural and human, as land revenue, agriculture and industry not for developing India but for the industrial development and extension in Britain. The drain of wealth was interpreted as an indirect tribute extracted by imperial Britain from India year after year. According to the nationalist calculations, this chain amounted to one-half of the government revenues more than the entire land revenue collection and over one-third of India's total savings. The Drain of Wealth theory was systemically initiated by Dadabhai Naoroji in 1867 and further analyzed and developed by R. P. Dutt, M. G Ranade, etc. Their focal point of critique of colonialism was the drain theory. They pointed out that a large part of India's capital and wealth was being transferred or drained to Britain in the form of salaries and pensions of British civil and military officials working in India, interests on loans taken by the Indian government, profits of the British capitalists in India and the home charges or expenses of the Indian Government in Britain.

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“…35 In India, the power struggles waged before Independence were played out within the master struggle between British imperialism and Indian nationalism. 36 Indian business leaders may not have been the driving force behind political change, but with the future direction of the nation in question many of their number, including Thakurdas, allied themselves with the Indian National Congress, which under the leadership of Gandhi and Nehru grew progressively in strength during the 1920s to exact complete independence in 1929. The overriding objective of pro-Congress business leaders, through discourse and direct involvement in the politics of transition, was to nurture entrepreneurialism and business growth in India, resisting as a matter of utmost priority the forces of socialism and extremism within Congress.…”

Section: Research Processmentioning

confidence: 99%