President Emeritus Miguel A. Nevárez: An Agent for Social Justice in Higher Education

Abstract

This study chronicles important contributions made by Miguel A. Nevárez, an Hispanic model for social justice in higher education. An analysis of archival records and interviews shows how Nevárez brought about greater opportunities for South Texas students by institutionalizing campus initiatives and by playing a role in the birth of the South Texas Border Initiative and the expansion of the University of Texas System. By chronicling Nevárez's actions, this study fills a gap in the historical record. Resumen Este estudio relata en forma cronologica las contribuciones hechas por Miguel A. Nevárez, un modelo hispano de justicia social en educacion superior. Analisis de documentos y entrevistas indican como Nevárez trajo mas oportunidades para estudiantes del sur de Texas al institucionalizar iniciativas universitarias asi como al jugar un papel en el nacimiento de la iniciativa fronteriza del sur de Texas y la expansion del sistema universitario publico. Al relatar la cronica de las acciones de Nevárez este estudio llena un vacio historico.

The University of Texas Rio Grande Valley: Reframing HSIs through a Multi-Sited Ethnography

“…Leaders in Texas, New Mexico, Illinois, and Puerto Rico recognized that Latina/o students who were concentrated in colleges and universities with limited resources represented "a definable group in higher education" that faced unique challenges in completing college degrees (Santiago, 2006, p. 6). In 1986, leaders from New Mexico and Texas created the Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities (HACU) and decided that a university or college with a Hispanic student population of 25% was a sufficient critical mass for the HSI designation (Santiago, 2006;Nevárez, M., personal communication, August 20, 2016;Avila & Pankake, 2016 (Flack, 2003). In 1992, a District State Court ruled in favor of LULAC, finding the state's funding system for higher education unconstitutional (Muñoz, 1991;Santiago, 2006 Although UTRGV's legacy institutions were predominantly White in enrollment in their early years, they became de facto HSI's by the 1980s due to the demographic shifts in the region (Avila & Pankake, 2016;Cortez, 2011).…”

“…In 1986, leaders from New Mexico and Texas created the Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities (HACU) and decided that a university or college with a Hispanic student population of 25% was a sufficient critical mass for the HSI designation (Santiago, 2006;Nevárez, M., personal communication, August 20, 2016;Avila & Pankake, 2016 (Flack, 2003). In 1992, a District State Court ruled in favor of LULAC, finding the state's funding system for higher education unconstitutional (Muñoz, 1991;Santiago, 2006 Although UTRGV's legacy institutions were predominantly White in enrollment in their early years, they became de facto HSI's by the 1980s due to the demographic shifts in the region (Avila & Pankake, 2016;Cortez, 2011). This demographic shift was captured by one UTPA administrator who stated, "We have always been an HSI and there needs to be a different designation for us who are doing it with greater numbers" (Cortez, 2011, p. 162).…”

“…Although the university did not gain official HSI status until after 1992, some faculty, staff, and administrators already perceived it as a "Hispanic Institution" (Avila & Pankake, 2016;Cortez, 5 In 1995 Congress approved the first appropriation of $12 million for these schools. In 1998, Congressman Rubén Hinojosa (D-TX) pushed to create Title V for HSIs to distinguish them from HBCUs and TCUs and designate specific HSI funding (Flack, 2003;Santiago, 2006).…”