Prepositions, Case and Verbal Prefixes

Biskup, Petr

doi:10.1075/la.255

Cited by 19 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 132 publications

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“…The primary imperfective in (38a) is represented without any aspectual projections because it contains no overt morphological markers of aspect, but assuming that there is a null aspectual head below v responsible for imperfective aspect would have no significant effect on the analysis presented here so I refrain from making explicit claims in either direction in this paper. Also, I follow Biskup (2019) 4) and (5b).…”

Section: Analysis: the Link Between Eventivity And Phasehoodmentioning

confidence: 99%

On the internal structure of Serbian -(n)je nominalizations

Kovačević

2021

ALing

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The paper deals with the internal syntactic structure of deverbal -nje nominals in Serbian. The tests from the licensing of event-related modifiers (by-phrases and instrumental DPs) support the hypothesis that -nje nominals are derived from passive participles by adding the suffix -je (Marvin 2002; Simonović & Arsenijević 2014). Building on Simonović & Arsenijević (2014), I further observe that the licensing of referential and non-referential event modifiers exhibits a complex set of correlations with the aspectual properties of the base, phonological faithfulness to the base, and semantic compositionality. Semantic opacity and phonological unfaithfulness do not always go hand in hand, and I treat them as two separate components of a process of lexicalization, which is syntactically constrained (Marantz 1997). I argue that the presence of full VoiceP structure including a v0 referring to an event diagnosed by the licensing of referential event modifiers (Alexiadou et al. 2014) constitutes a phase, which blocks lexicalization. This structure is present in -nje nominals derived from secondary imperfectives, which always license referential event modifiers and exhibit semantic compositionality and phonological unfaithfulness. Smaller structures derived from perfectives or primary imperfectives do not license referential event modifiers (hence, they do not constitute a full phase), which is what makes them susceptible to lexicalization.

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Section: Analysis: the Link Between Eventivity And Phasehoodmentioning

confidence: 99%

On the internal structure of Serbian -(n)je nominalizations

Kovačević

2021

ALing

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“…In recent literature on languages featuring theme vowels, there has been an ongoing debate concerning correlations between theme-vowel classes and the argument structure properties of the verb. For Slavic, several authors have shown that at least some theme-vowel classes strongly correlate with certain argument structures (Jabłońska 2007;Medová & Wiland 2019;Biskup 2019), indicating that theme vowels may have more syntax to them than assumed in approaches which treat theme vowels as shear markers of inflectional classes or functional structure (e.g., Oltra-Massuet 1999).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Lowest theme vowels or highest roots? An ‘unaccusative’ theme-vowel class in Slovenian

Simonović

Mišmaš

2022

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper focuses on the e/i theme vowel class of verbs in Slovenian to bring together two seemingly unrelated debates; (i) the debate on the status of derivational affixes as roots within the framework of Distributed Morphology and (ii) the debate on the correlation between theme vowel classes with certain argument structures in Slavic. Focusing on Slovenian, our core data will come from active l-participles that are used adjectivally as an unaccusativity diagnostic. We take these l-participles to create a list of 109 unaccusative verbs. We show that (i) no unaccusative verbs belong to the two largest theme vowel classes in Slovenian (a/a and i/i), whereas (ii) the two big theme vowel classes tend to get accusative arguments quite frequently. Most importantly, (iii) the e/i-class stands out since more than one half of the unaccusative sample falls into. The e/i-class is furthermore the only theme vowel class whose theme vowel surfaces in adjectival l-participles, the theme vowel class to which inchoatives belong and behaves uniformly with respect to stress. Based on the uniform behavior of the e/i-class which sets it apart from other theme vowel-classes, we will argue that the vowel of this class is better analyzed as a root.

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“…The most articulated proposals of syntactic and semantic analysis of ThVs come from the approaches coached within Nanosyntax and those broadly compatible with nanosyntactic architecture (e.g. Jabłonska 2004; 2007; Taraldsen Medová & Wiland 2018;2019). This comes as no surprise, since Nanosyntax does not assume an autonomous component responsible for morphology (cf.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Themes from the first group can only name a become predicate, while those from the second group require high root insertion, so the root names both the causing and the caused subevent. A similar type of approach -where ThVs spell out trees of different sizes (comprising different argument-structure and aspectual information) is proposed in Taraldsen Medová & Wiland (2018;2019) for Czech and Polish. Their approach once again exemplifies the nanosyntactic credo that the attachment height of a ThV in the structure depends on the root size (see also Holaj 2018).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

What differentiates Serbo-Croatian verbal theme vowels: content or markedness?

Milosavljević

Arsenijević

2022

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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We examine two hypotheses regarding the role of theme vowels (ThVs) in Serbo- Croatian (SC): (i) that the various ThVs attested in SC are markedness-based realizations of the same syntactic feature specification, and (ii) that different ThVs carry different syntactic features. We focus on the two SC ThVs occurring with the highest number of bases: <a, a> and <i, i> (the ordered pair specifies the infinitive-stem and the present-tense-stem realization of the ThV). We show that if these ThVs are to be distinguished by feature specification, the best fitting analysis has <a, a> bearing only the categorial verbal feature, while <i, i> is additionally specified for the feature [SCALE], which contributes scalarity to the verbal predicate (Hay et al. 1999; Kennedy & Levin 2008). A corpus-based exploration shows that the stronger hypothesis (ii) encounters problems, the most obvious being that the regularities are only tendential, with a significant number of exceptions. If the ThVs carried different features, they would be expected to yield systematic patterns. We conclude that the weaker alternative (i) provides an empirically more accurate account and propose a specific model where at the interface with phonology, the aggregate degree of markedness of the context in which the ThV is realized is computed from a set of markedness hierarchies of the relevant phonological and semantic properties of that context (the latter mediated by the corresponding syntactic features). A mapping of the aggregate degree of markedness onto the morphological markedness hierarchy of ThVs determines the realization.

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Prepositions, Case and Verbal Prefixes

Cited by 19 publications

References 132 publications

On the internal structure of Serbian -(n)je nominalizations

On the internal structure of Serbian -(n)je nominalizations

Lowest theme vowels or highest roots? An ‘unaccusative’ theme-vowel class in Slovenian

What differentiates Serbo-Croatian verbal theme vowels: content or markedness?

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