14 Introduction to go through a pro cess of reinvention should the need arise to determine "who belongs and who does not, who defines the character of the nation and who is its antithesis." 33 Challenging the "sub-ness" of indigenous nationalisms in the face of "old" nationalisms is not a new trend in American Indian scholarship. In 1976, for example, the Yaqui specialist Edward Spicer presented a paper at a conference on border studies, held in El Paso, Texas, in which he argued that the era of the nation-state "has passed its period of ascendancy" in both scholarship and on the world stage. Its dominance, he concluded, "is being threatened by new forms of organ ization." If one defines a nation on its most basic level, or, in Spicer's words, as a collection of people "who identify with one another on the basis of some degree of awareness of common historical experience," then indigenous groups easily qualify. Indian groups, like nation-states, share a unique, common experience, with their own set of symbols that "stand for and evoke . . . the sentiments which the people feel about their historical experience." Thus, every modern state could be said to contain several or many nations. Spicer counted at least fifty in Mexico alone. A glance at an ethnographic map of that par tic u lar nation-state makes his point, showing a vast array of linguistic and cultural distinctions. In fact, to this day Mexico is peppered throughout with peoples who speak neither Spanish nor En glish, instead still relying on indigenous languages such as Triqui, Mixtec, and Zapotec, which are among the 162 "living languages" recognized by the Mexican government. 34 In conceptualizing the history of the Yaqui tribe, one of his specialties, Spicer admitted to mistakenly conceiving of Indian tribes and nation-states as two dif fer ent entities, both with fixed bound aries. "It only slowly dawned on me," he revealed, "that Yaqui bound aries were fluctuating and that the lines on the ethnographic maps were very misleading in many ways." Compounding this prob lem was the fact that many Yaquis "accepted no border defined by mestizos." 35 Still, indigenous nationalism as a concept remains problematic. Utilizing a "borrowed" conceptual framework such as "nation," one collection of scholars warned, could send the message that American Indian studies "cannot in de pen dently develop a core assumption or construct a model or paradigm based solely on internally generated information," which could doom it to a life as a "tributary" field of history, sociology, po liti cal science, and so on. In short, it suggests that Indian studies "is not and prob ably cannot become a fully developed, autonomous discipline." But more seriously, it saddles indigenous peoples with a paradigm that fails to paint an 20 Chapter One system of labor as "peonage," or enforced ser vice for debt, and to their chattel as " people" or "laborers" in public, privately they did not mince words, admitting that they were, in fact, slaveholders. They freely spoke of employing co...