Abstract:This article uses the power resources approach to analyse the Global Union Federations’ (GUFs) use of the specific instances mechanism associated with the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises. While this mechanism has serious limitations, it has proved to be a useful tool when combined with public campaigns and the exercise of other power resources at multiple scales. This is so, we argue, because the fact that multi-national enterprises themselves operate across national boundaries creates an incenti… Show more
“…Scholars have since identified other resources, notably institutional power (the extent to which organised labour is embedded in political, legal and industrial relations systems), as well as coalitional power, symbolic power, and discursive power (Lévesque and Murray, 2010). Ford and Gillan (2021) observe complexity around the privileging of certain power resources in existing studies and their interrelationship where strength in one power resource can compensate for weakness in another. Importantly, power resources may also be shaped by different historical, political and social contexts (Schmalz et al, 2018), and can vary in significance across sectors (Ford and Gillan, 2021).…”
Section: Union Power In the Public Sectormentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Ford and Gillan (2021) observe complexity around the privileging of certain power resources in existing studies and their interrelationship where strength in one power resource can compensate for weakness in another. Importantly, power resources may also be shaped by different historical, political and social contexts (Schmalz et al, 2018), and can vary in significance across sectors (Ford and Gillan, 2021).…”
Section: Union Power In the Public Sectormentioning
Major reforms in education, globally, have focused on increased accountability and devolution of responsibility to the local school level to improve the efficiency and quality of education. While emerging research is considering implications of these changed governance arrangements at both a school and system level, little attention has been afforded to teacher union responses to devolutionary reform, despite teaching being a highly union-organised profession and the endurance of decentralising-style reforms in education for over 40 years. Drawing upon a power resources approach, this article examines union responses in cases of devolutionary reform in a populous Australian state. Through analysing evolving policy discourse, from anti-bureaucratic, managerialising rhetoric to a ‘post-bureaucratic, empowerment’ agenda, this article contributes to understandings of union power for resisting decentralising, neoliberal policy agendas by exposing the limits of public sector unions mobilising traditional power resources and arguing for strengthening of discursive and symbolic power. JEL Code: J5
“…Scholars have since identified other resources, notably institutional power (the extent to which organised labour is embedded in political, legal and industrial relations systems), as well as coalitional power, symbolic power, and discursive power (Lévesque and Murray, 2010). Ford and Gillan (2021) observe complexity around the privileging of certain power resources in existing studies and their interrelationship where strength in one power resource can compensate for weakness in another. Importantly, power resources may also be shaped by different historical, political and social contexts (Schmalz et al, 2018), and can vary in significance across sectors (Ford and Gillan, 2021).…”
Section: Union Power In the Public Sectormentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Ford and Gillan (2021) observe complexity around the privileging of certain power resources in existing studies and their interrelationship where strength in one power resource can compensate for weakness in another. Importantly, power resources may also be shaped by different historical, political and social contexts (Schmalz et al, 2018), and can vary in significance across sectors (Ford and Gillan, 2021).…”
Section: Union Power In the Public Sectormentioning
Major reforms in education, globally, have focused on increased accountability and devolution of responsibility to the local school level to improve the efficiency and quality of education. While emerging research is considering implications of these changed governance arrangements at both a school and system level, little attention has been afforded to teacher union responses to devolutionary reform, despite teaching being a highly union-organised profession and the endurance of decentralising-style reforms in education for over 40 years. Drawing upon a power resources approach, this article examines union responses in cases of devolutionary reform in a populous Australian state. Through analysing evolving policy discourse, from anti-bureaucratic, managerialising rhetoric to a ‘post-bureaucratic, empowerment’ agenda, this article contributes to understandings of union power for resisting decentralising, neoliberal policy agendas by exposing the limits of public sector unions mobilising traditional power resources and arguing for strengthening of discursive and symbolic power. JEL Code: J5
“…However, this effort is also subject to Indonesian institutional frameworks, opening up the potential for contradiction and conflict. Nonetheless, since the collapse of Soeharto's 33-year rule, trade unions have formally organized, and employees' voices have gained representation (Ford and Gillan, 2021) with trade unions having dynamic involvement in both imported and locally developed ER systems.…”
While resistance to human resource management (HRM) practice transfers from multinationals has been widely researched in economically advanced countries, emerging economies are generally assumed to be institutionally more welcoming. This article contributes to debates on international HRM diffusion both by highlighting hitherto neglected arenas of host-country resistance and identifying the multiple levels at which this plays out. Specifically, this article examines the transfer of Japanese multinational corporations’ HRM practices into Indonesia. The study reveals that alongside apparently consensual micro-level ( organization) relations between home- and host-country management, important political power games are occurring at the meso-level ( subnational). These games involve competing notions of ‘best practice’ with host-country actors more powerful than deterministic models of diffusion would predict. The study shows how local actors seek to defend elements of the established Indonesian business system, while Japanese actors bypass host-country regulations by mobilizing corporate business associations. The findings extend current understanding of cross-border management practice transfer, highlighting contestation and negotiation at the meso-level.
“…In the case of Qatar, bwi changed its strategy together with Ituc to push for reforms of the labor law. They have almost exclusively been using their discursive power for this purpose (Ford & Gillan, 2021). Although this strategy has seen some successes, with reforms such as the implementation of a minimum wage, international media has continued to report far-reaching labor rights violations with the Guardian reporting that 6.500 construction workers have died over the last decade while building Qatar's infrastructure for the 2022 World Cup.…”
Section: Fifa World Cup 2014: Bwi's Decent Work Campaign Towards and Beyond 2014mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In this changing environment, Global Union Federations (gufs) have become a key actor in transnational organizing. Already established in the late 19 th or early 20 th century, several gufs have gained new members and built their capacities since the Cold War and have become increasingly active in global campaigning, thus, organizing against tncs, supporting national unions, and negotiating international framework agreements with employers (Croucher & Cotton, 2009;Fichter & Mc-Callum, 2015;Brookes, 2019;Ford/Gillan, 2021). In this paper, we analyze various guf strategies created to tackle the challenges of globalization.…”
It has become a commonplace belief among academics and trade union officials that globalization has weakened trade unions. However, the expansion of global capital has also led to a rise of transnational labor organizing. Since the 2000s, Global Union Federations have developed different strategies to tackle the challenges of globalization. In this article, we analyze two such forms of transnational organizing: A network-based and an event-based form of organizing. While the network-based approach brings together unions from different countries in a company or industry-wide cross-border network, the event-based strategy is built on the engagement of the GUFs at large international events to wage local struggles with a lasting impact on labor relations. By drawing on a power resource approach and labor geography and by using empirical data from two case studies, the Building and Woodworkers International’s Fifa World Cup campaign of 2014 and the International Transport Workers Union’s Latam Union network, we demonstrate how GUFs are using different pathways of transnational activism to link the global with the local and why local trade union action is crucial for success in transnational organizing.
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