Power, conflict and natural resources: The Mozambican crisis revisited

Macuane, José Jaime; Buur, Lars; Monjane, Celso Marcos

doi:10.1093/afraf/adx029

Cited by 45 publications

(56 citation statements)

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“…In contrast, the Emilio Armando Guebuza coalition that began to entrench itself in power from 2003 ‘restored the notion of Frelimo as the ruler of the country and revived the foundational idea of national unity organized in and through the Frelimo party’ (Macuane et al., : 428). Here membership of Frelimo again became a condition for access to ‘citizenship’, as well as to public office.…”

Section: Complex Security Assemblages and Citizen–subject Relationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A range of reports pushed the resource agenda when resource prices for coal, precious stones, heavy sand, natural gas etc. continued to climb in the aftermath of the financial crisis (see ADB et al., ; UNCTAD, ; UNECA, ), but generally the land grab literature (see Fairhead et al., ; Hall, ; Søreide and Williams, ) and critical resource‐curse literature (Frynas et al., ; Macuane et al., ; Pedersen and Buur, ) have been more cautious.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…. We draw onWhitfield et al (2015) andMacuane et al (2018) for our specific discussion of ruling elite formation in Mozambique, as these are the most comprehensive works to date on this issue.…”

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confidence: 99%

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‘No Smoke without Fire’: Citizenship and Securing Economic Enclaves in Mozambique

Buur¹,

Sumich

2019

Development and Change

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This article explores the complicated interrelationship between economic enclaves, their associated security practices and the formation of national citizens in Mozambique. From the colonial era of company rule to the large‐scale foreign direct investments of the present day, investors have feared the destructive fires of rampant ‘mobs’, unruly workers and the potentially rebellious populace more generally. Signs of smoke point to trouble for investors, who can draw on complex security arrangements, including corporate social responsibility programmes, unions, private security companies, community leaders, state police and specialized state and rapid response units with the latest communications and transport technologies, to try to protect their investments from labour unrest and political demands. Through a variety of ethnographic materials on mega‐investments in the sugar industry over the last two decades, the article explores the centrality of complex security arrangements to strategies of governance that use such arrangements in an attempt to produce disciplined national subjects.

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Section: Complex Security Assemblages and Citizen–subject Relationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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‘No Smoke without Fire’: Citizenship and Securing Economic Enclaves in Mozambique

Buur¹,

Sumich

2019

Development and Change

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“…For the social protection sector, this entailed an acknowledgement that the government's 94 percent payment of transfers in exchange for capacity-building was based on the fact that the donors were also paying for a huge percentage of the state budget. 19 External aid funding the state budget has severely declined after the debt crisis hit government spending seriously in 2016 after the IMF had suspended its programme in Mozambique due to concerns over transparency, with the consequence that General Budget Support and financial aid have been suspended (see Macuane et al 2017).…”

Section: The Silent Agreementmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Compared to other African countries, the disbursement is still relatively low, at less than 1 percent of the GDP. 2 The present economic and political crisis in Mozambique (see Macuane et al 2017) provides a litmus test for government support. Secret foreign debt revealed during 2016 has seen the IMF and major donors suspend financial aid for most of 2016 and 2017-18, putting massive pressure on the state budget, which for most ministries has meant downsizing by up to 40 percent in a year and leading the government to declare itself bankrupt in November 2016 because of its inability to service the secret loans.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Political Economy of Social Protection in Mozambique

Buur¹,

Salimo

2018

SSRN Journal

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In the view of international donors, multilateral organisations and government officials, social protection in Mozambique benefits from strong government commitment to it. Their argument is that, in contrast to many African countries, the government has demonstrated a level of commitment and support to social protection that is quite unprecedented. This view relies on the fact that more than 90 per cent of the budget allocated to the implementation of social protection programmes comes from the state budget and that, even within the complex context of the financial crisis that has devastated the economy since 2013, social protection has continued to receive special attention from the government in its budget allocations. Based on a political economy analysis, this paper challenges the common narrative of social protection in Mozambique, by arguing that social protection has been used as a means to mobilise resources from international agencies, in order to ensure the political survival of the Frelimo government. The paper argues that government support of social protection emerged as a reaction to the poor performance of poverty-reduction initiatives, becoming also a mechanism to overcome social protests after the 2008 and 2010 riots in Mozambique, which threatened to jeopardise the stability of the regime and its reproduction of power.

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On informal housing supply restrictions and livelihood in informal settlements: Implications for sustainable development

Mottelson

2023

Sustainable Development

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Land use restrictions can curtail housing supply and lead to increased costs of accommodation, which can have adverse effects on livelihood among low‐income groups and thereby compromise sustainable development. However, limited studies have investigated housing supply restrictions in informal housing markets. To address this knowledge‐gap, this article analyzes a range of indicators of livelihood among residents of informal settlements and informal housing supply restrictions in Maputo, Mozambique and Nairobi, Kenya. The findings underscore that informal urban development is restricted to a far higher extent and livelihood in informal settlements is considerably more compromised in Nairobi compared to Maputo, despite that wages are higher in Nairobi and geographic factors likely curtail urban development to a higher extent in Maputo. The empirical evidence and economic theory reviewed in this article consistently indicate that antagonistic approaches to informal urban development in cities with large segments of the population financially excluded from the formal housing markets have comparable consequences to land use restrictions guiding formal urban development. Namely, that informal land users pay a price premium for basic shelter in such contexts due to the increased pressure on the housing markets and risk of loss of investments through forced evictions. On this basis, the article argues that unless viable legal housing alternatives are available, repressive approaches to informal urban development should be abolished while less restrictive standards for building and planning regulation should be adopted to expand provision of affordable legal accommodation and thereby enhance sustainable development.

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Power, conflict and natural resources: The Mozambican crisis revisited

Cited by 45 publications

References 0 publications

‘No Smoke without Fire’: Citizenship and Securing Economic Enclaves in Mozambique

‘No Smoke without Fire’: Citizenship and Securing Economic Enclaves in Mozambique

The Political Economy of Social Protection in Mozambique

On informal housing supply restrictions and livelihood in informal settlements: Implications for sustainable development

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