Abstract:This article aims to discuss to what extent populist parties with opposite ideological backgrounds have differed in their policies towards inherited external financial liberalization (EFL). Building upon a comparative case study centred on Argentina under Kirchnerism (2003–15) and Hungary under Viktor Orbán (since 2010), I conclude that both experiences led to a partial EFL reversal. However, reflecting their opposite ideological underpinnings, each subtype of populism opted to restrict a different dimension o… Show more
This chapter adopts a demand-side perspective and focuses on the role of right-wing populism in public attitudes toward the trade-off between public health and the economy amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing from an original survey of nationally representative samples taken in June 2021 in the United States, Germany, France, Italy, and Switzerland, the analysis confirms that the healtheconomy trade-off is driven in large part by party preferences. Irrespective of citizens' views regarding government decision-making, of their perceived impact of welfare chauvinism, or their sociodemographic profile, we find that right-wing populist parties and their leaders attracted the most skeptical segment of the general public during the second phase of COVID-19 pandemic, at the time of vaccination campaigns and COVID-19 certificates.
This chapter adopts a demand-side perspective and focuses on the role of right-wing populism in public attitudes toward the trade-off between public health and the economy amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing from an original survey of nationally representative samples taken in June 2021 in the United States, Germany, France, Italy, and Switzerland, the analysis confirms that the healtheconomy trade-off is driven in large part by party preferences. Irrespective of citizens' views regarding government decision-making, of their perceived impact of welfare chauvinism, or their sociodemographic profile, we find that right-wing populist parties and their leaders attracted the most skeptical segment of the general public during the second phase of COVID-19 pandemic, at the time of vaccination campaigns and COVID-19 certificates.
The global populist backlash is considered threatening to the multilateral order, but its impact on individual attitudes toward international organizations, like the International Monetary Fund (IMF), is understudied. We bridge insights from research on the IMF and populism to develop a theoretical framework centered on three propositions. We argue that populist individuals should be more prone to blame the IMF for economic problems than non-populists, but that this effect is highly conditional on sovereignty intrusion, escalating when an IMF program exists and as the program becomes more onerous. In contrast, IMF scapegoating by populist politicians should be largely ineffective. Analyzing survey data from across the European Union and an original survey experiment in Greece, we find support for each contention. The paper advances understanding of the partisan politics of the IMF and shows that the implications of the populist wave for international order are more complex than often assumed.
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