Post-Gay Collective Identity Construction

Abstract

Falling under the rubric of "post-gay," recent changes in gay life challenge theoretical accounts of collective identity by creating effects that, while acknowledged, have not yet been articulated using a parsimonious and portable framework. Consistent with conventional wisdom, LGBT activists construct collective identity using an oppositional "us versus them" formation during those times when they strategically deploy their differences from heterosexuals. But what happens when activists seek to emphasize their similarities to straights, as they are motivated to do during a post-gay moment? Drawing on interview and archival data of a college LGBT student organization, this article argues that in a post-gay era, activists construct collective identity using an inclusive, distinction-muting logic of "us and them." The shift from opposition ("versus") to inclusion ("and") implies that activists today are motivated less by drawing boundaries against members of the dominant group and more by building bridges toward them. The article concludes with critiques of and implications for post-gay politics.

Measuring urban sexual cultures

“…106, 244) during the "coming out era," a period of time that lasted through the late 1990s (Ghaziani 2011). Many lesbians and gay men were discharged from the military for their homosexuality, and rather than return home disgraced, they remained behind in port cities.…”

“…While the coming out era was typified by being open and out about one's sexuality and having almost exclusively gay social networks (Valocchi 1999b;Armstrong 2002), today's putatively "post-gay" period (Ghaziani 2011) is characterized by a rapid assimilation of lesbians and gay men into the mainstream (Sullivan 1996;Seidman 2002). British journalist Paul Burston coined the phrase in 1994, and it found an American audience 4 years later in 1998 when Out magazine editor James Collard used it in the New York Times to argue, "We should no longer define ourselves solely in terms of our sexuality-even if our opponents do.…”

“…2 The term post-gay has broad applications. It can be a mode of self-identification, a way to describe the features of a specific space, a characteristic of an entire neighborhood, and a way to think about the zeitgeist of a historical moment (Warner 1999b;Harris 1997;Sullivan 1996;Seidman 2002;Seidman et al 1999;Nash 2012;Ghaziani 2011;Richardson 2005). Individuals who identify as post-gay, for example, define themselves by more than their sexuality, disentangle it from a sense of militancy and struggle, feel free from persecution despite persisting inequalities, and prefer sexually mixed company-hence Collard's lament for more girls in gay bars.…”

“…There are two indicators for this. First, a straight allies movement of "politically gay" heterosexuals has emerged (Meyers 2008;Ghaziani 2011). This testifies to increased intergroup interactions, gay-straight in this case, which some sociologists use to operationalize assimilation (Waters and Ueda 2007;Waters 1990Waters , 2000.…”

Sexual Disclosure among College Students in the American Deep South: Toward a “Sexuality as Structure” Approach

“…For example, identifying as a member of a sexual minority group can be problematic and risky in some communities; indeed, previous research has shown that sexual identification is different in the Deep South than elsewhere in the United States 1 . 2 Additionally, many gay and lesbian youth and young adults in the South report heinous acts of bullying and frequent tormenting by other youth and by adults. A general sense of disapproval permeates the region; Barton [1] refers to this as "the Bible Belt panopticon, an important element of Bible Belt Christianity manifests through tight social networks of family, neighbours, church, and community members, and a plethora of Christian signs and symbols sprinkled throughout the region".…”