Originating with the strain and breakdown theories of the classical collective behavior tradition that dominated in the 1960s, the analytical repertoires for understanding contentious politics expanded to include structuralist (political opportunity) and post‐Marxist approaches as well as resource mobilization theories in the 1970s and 1980s, and constructivist and cultural approaches in the 1980s and 1990s (McAdam, Tarrow, & Tilly 2009). This progression entailed a general shift from deterministic collective behavior paradigms that focused on external causal explanations of movement emergence to more agency‐oriented resource mobilization paradigms that emphasized the importance of internal movement dynamics and rational, agentic, and interest‐based decisions of movement actors and collectives (Buechler 2004). Furthermore, collective action—originally understood by strain and breakdown theorists as irrational, disruptive, and spontaneous behavior stemming from social breakdown—was gradually cast in a more positive light with the emergence of empirical studies in the 1970s that pointed to organizational solidarity and not social malintegration as the necessary condition for collective action (Useem 1998; Buechler 2004). Somewhat lost in this transition, however, was the emphasis placed on what Goldstone and McAdam (2001) term, the
macro determinants of contention
. With the demise of strain and breakdown theories, the emphases placed on opportunities (over threats), and the conceptualization of contentious actors as rational entities, contemporary studies on social movements and revolutions have largely undervalued systematic efforts to understand how social and demographic factors might affect the emergence and development of political contention.