Politics of Social Change in Ghana

The political ecology of seed security in the Northern Ghanaian Savannahs

“…Ethnic conflicts, resource struggle, and vulnerability to seed insecurity From the 1980s to the present, a series of conflicts has engulfed almost all parts of the Northern half of Ghana (Debrah et al 2016;Talton 2003b). In most of the disputes, historically non-centralized, politically and resource marginal groups have engaged in protracted fighting with one or several of their historically centralized and dominant neighbors (Pul 2004;Talton 2003aTalton , 2010Tonah 2012). According to Talton (2003a), the antagonism that became characteristic of the relationship between ethnic groups of the NGS took root in the postcolonial period and was a product of the political structure that the colonial officers imposed.…”

“…The key underlining factor being the British indirect rule, which was developed around tribe and chieftaincy. For instance, under the 1932 ordinances, centralized ethnic groups' control over the noncentralized groups became enforceable by colonial law, making it illegal for non-centralized groups to refuse to respond to centralized groups summons or demands for tribute (Talton 2010). Thus, centralized groups whose system of authority satisfied the British approach towards governance were recognized as politically legitimate, while those that did not were largely disenfranchised and forced under the political jurisdiction of the recognized groups, despite little historical precedent for such a relationship (Pul 2004;Talton 2003aTalton , 2010Tonah 2012).…”

“…For instance, under the 1932 ordinances, centralized ethnic groups' control over the noncentralized groups became enforceable by colonial law, making it illegal for non-centralized groups to refuse to respond to centralized groups summons or demands for tribute (Talton 2010). Thus, centralized groups whose system of authority satisfied the British approach towards governance were recognized as politically legitimate, while those that did not were largely disenfranchised and forced under the political jurisdiction of the recognized groups, despite little historical precedent for such a relationship (Pul 2004;Talton 2003aTalton , 2010Tonah 2012). The recognizing of the political status of only centralized groups in strict terms fostered the development of politicized ethnic identities and symbols that became associated with resources (e.g., farmlands and water bodies), which stimulated ethnic competition for political and natural resources.…”

“…This political inequality in NGS and tension between ethnic groups persisted under postcolonial regimes and led to more protracted violence from 1980 up to the present day. It has been argued that recent conflicts are reported to be mainly fueled by the struggle for resources (e.g., farmlands), power and supremacy, and the rejection of these requests by groups regarded as powerful and superior (Debrah et al 2016;Mahama and Longi 2013;Talton 2003aTalton , 2010. A good example of ethnic-exacerbated land dispute conflict was triggered in May 2018 in Naduni, Chereponi District (Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, 2019), which resulted in violent clashes, loss of lives, destruction of farms and seeds, and soured relationships among ethnic groups (Mahama and Longi 2013).…”

“Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea”: The Bassari Politics of Expedience in Northern Togoland, 1920 – 1956

“…47 Scholars have often attributed this kind of migration to the implementation of "[...] forced labour practices, compulsory cultivation of crops, and heavy taxation in French, Belgian, and Portuguese colonies". 48 Inez Sutton calls them "push factors" or "selective investment and development". 49 Talton cites Albert Adu Boahen, who stipulated that in 1910 "[...] 14 000 people fled German Togoland for the Gold Coast.…”