Politicization of identity in a European borderland: Istria, Croatia, and authenticity, 1990–2003

Abstract

In most studies of the Balkans and Eastern Europe, identity politics focuses on nationalism. Unfortunately, very few examine regional identities and how they too are politicized in similar ways for similar reasons. Istria provides a good example of how identity is politicized and how and why individuals adapt it to both internal and external influences. While in the past local and regional identities were politicized in response to colonization, more recently national divisions became more prominent. However, in the very recent past, Istrian identity again became politicized as many natives drew lines between themselves and what they saw as an external national influence emanating from Zagreb. In the 1990s, a renewed Croatian national movement competed with an Istrian regional movement. Istrian regionalists, seeking to justify taking and maintaining regional power and hoping to more quickly bring Croatia into the European Union, used this new political tactic against the nationalizing Croatian government. While both the nationalists and the regionalists claimed the other side's ideology was foreign to Istria, in actuality both have historical roots in the region. Though the competition was not as virulent as in past episodes of nationalist tension between Italians and Croats, it does fit a pattern of continuity in the region.

Ethnic groups and a dynamic of boundary making among co-ethnics: An experience from Croatian Istria

“…Due to the above factors, Croats from Bosnia–Herzegovina could, at first glance, appear as ‘ethnically-privileged migrants’ (Čapo Žmegač, 2005; Valenta et al., 2011), in both formal and social senses. However, our findings concur with Ashbrook's argument that the majority population has ambivalence toward migrants (co-ethnics) from Bosnia–Herzegovina (Ashbrook, 2011). On the one hand, the domicile Istrians we met claimed that they had positive attitudes toward the migrants from Bosnia–Herzegovina.…”

“…Here, we find studies that discuss the relationship between Istria and the state of Croatia in the post-Yugoslav period. Among other things, the studies focus on the identities of Istrians and Istrian regionalism (Ashbrook, 2005(Ashbrook, , 2011Cocco, 2010). Within this category, we also find studies that analyse how Istrians perceive themselves vis-a`-vis other Croats, and researchers who compare the attitudes of domicile Istrians with the attitudes of Croats in other regions of Croatia (Banovac, 2009;Banovac and Boneta, 2006).…”

“…The first category includes studies that explore the position and identities of ethnic minorities and immigrants in Croatia (Ashbrook, 2005, 2011; Babić et al., 2011; Banovac and Boneta, 2006; Klemenčić and Zupančić, 2007). Here, we may also find surveys on ethnic distance and attitudes of the ethnic majority toward various ethnic minorities in Croatia (Banovac and Boneta, 2006; Šiber, 1997).…”

“…These good inter-ethnic relationships were not undermined during the period of disintegration of the Yugoslav Federation (Cocco, 2010). 2 However, it seems that most authors explain the relatively greater ethnic tolerance in Istria with Istrian regionalism, and point out that the regional political elites focused on multiculturalism and ethnic tolerance in order to strengthen their local position through distinguishing and distancing themselves from the national political elites (Ashbrook, 2011; Banovac, 2009; Banovac and Boneta, 2006; Cocco, 2010). Also, Ashbrook's aforementioned study on Istrian perceptions of the co-ethnic is compatible with the regionalism thesis (Ashbrook, 2005).…”

“…Therefore, such strategies do not seem to lead to inclusion, but may even be counter-productive as they may confirm the stereotype and reinforce the boundary between Istrians and the migrants. An important part of the present Istrian regional identity construction includes a notion that Istrians are ‘tolerant and Western’ (Ashbrook, 2011). Within such a construct, migrants’ focus on shared ethnicity may contest the Istrian regionalist narrative and be interpreted as confirmation of their intolerance, support for centralist ethno-nationalist political elites and ‘nesting Balkanism’ (Ashbrook, 2011).…”