Political trust, extra-representational participation and the openness of political systems

Braun, Daniela; Hutter, Swen

doi:10.1177/0192512114559108

Cited by 61 publications

(68 citation statements)

References 38 publications

(62 reference statements)

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“…In the case of distrust in institutions, the study of Braun and Hutter (2014) confirms previous studies which showed that participation is more common among those citizens more distrustful (Anderson & Mendes, 2006;Dalton et al, 2009), but also reveals that the negative relationship between trust and collective action is even greater in those systems politically more open. According to Anduiza, Cristancho, and Sabucedo (2014), Occupy/Indignados movement follows protests in France and Greece and is a reaction against the inability of the system to address the economic and social problems of their citizenship.…”

Section: Attitudes Towards Political Systemsupporting

confidence: 83%

Comparing protests and demonstrators in times of austerity: regular and occasional protesters in universalistic and particularistic mobilisations

Cameselle

Gómez

Stekelenburg

et al. 2017

Social Movement Studies

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The recent economic crisis shaped a new wave of protest in Europe mobilising thousands of people. Austerity measures brought not only the 'usual suspects' onto the streets, they also awoke less frequent demonstrators. What brought all these people to the streets? Are their motivations the same for participation in all demonstrations? We compare participants in two types of mobilisations against austerity: those called particularistic (which are reactions to particular anti-austerity issues), and those universalistic (which address much broader issues such as questioning the political system). We also compare two typologies of participants taking into account their participation history: regular and occasional protesters. Employing a two-by-two design defined by type of demonstration (Particularistic vs. Universalistic) and the individual's participation history (Occasionals vs. Regulars), we found that the differences between demonstrations were smaller than those within types of protesters. Nevertheless, even in this period of hardship, motivation to participate in particularistic or universalistic protests differ depending on the perceptions of political system, ideological positioning and organisational embeddedness. Interaction analyses showed that different levels of identity, trust in institutions and satisfaction with democracy are crucial in driving people to participate in different types of demonstrations as occasionals or regulars.

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Section: Attitudes Towards Political Systemsupporting

confidence: 83%

Comparing protests and demonstrators in times of austerity: regular and occasional protesters in universalistic and particularistic mobilisations

Cameselle

Gómez

Stekelenburg

et al. 2017

Social Movement Studies

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Hutter, S. (2016) regarding political trust and political participation. For instance, they cited that many studies revealed that being involved in political activities do not directly relate to political trust.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Correlates of Political Participation

Jacinto¹

2018

IRMBR

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“…Which parties benefit? Much has been written about the impact of political dissatisfaction on protest (Braun and Hutter, 2016;Christensen, 2014). Yet, the evidence on the impact of political disaffection on electoral behaviour remains scarce.…”

Section: H1 -Disaffection Explains (Correlates) Electoral Choices In mentioning

confidence: 99%

La desafección en las urnas las elecciones generales de 2015 en España

Fontaneda¹,

Sánchez-Vítores²

2024

REIS

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Crisis económica • Desafección política • Elección de partido • Nuevos partidos políticos • VotoResumen La desafección política, entendida como un sentimiento de alejamiento y desconfianza de la política, se ha convertido en los últimos años en una aplicación de uso corriente para fenómenos distintos y con resultados electorales aparentemente contradictorios. En este artículo examinamos qué partidos políticos se han beneficiado electoralmente en las elecciones generales de 2011 y 2015, un ámbito poco examinado por la literatura. Utilizamos la clasificación de ciudadanos propuesta por Montero, Navarrete y Sanz (2013), que combina confianza en las instituciones e interés por la política. Encontramos efectos solo en la elección de 2015. Los votantes desafectos tienen más probabilidad de votar a los grandes partidos que los ciudadanos críticos. Sin embargo, comparándolos con ciudadanos satisfechos, prefieren votar a los nuevos partidos. Key words AbstractPolitical disaffection, understood as a feeling of estrangement from and distrust of politics, has recently become a widespread explanation for different phenomena, as well as for apparently contradictory electoral outcomes. In this article, we examine which political parties benefited from political disaffection in the 2011 and 2015 general elections in Spain, an under-researched issue in the literature. To do so, we have used the citizen classification proposed by Montero, Navarrete and Sanz (2013), which is based on trust in institutions and interest in politics. We find effects only in the 2015 election. Disaffected voters are more likely to vote for mainstream parties than critical voters. However, compared to satisfied citizens, the disaffected are more likely to prefer new parties. Cómo citarLorente Fontaneda, Javier y Sánchez-Vítores, Irene (2018 42La desafección en las urnas: las elecciones generales de 2015 en España IntroduccIón Existe un pasaje de La República de Platón que ha sido interpretado como «los hombres incapaces de gobernarse a sí mismos acaban gobernados por alguien peor que ellos». Sin entrar a cuestionar la exactitud de la traducción del griego clásico, esta cita plantea un interrogante interesante que sirve de punto de partida a este artículo. ¿Cuáles son las consecuencias del alejamiento de los ciudadanos de la política? ¿Eligen estos ciudadanos buenos políticos? En el mundo moderno, el gobierno representativo no requiere el compromiso permanente de los ciudadanos, como sí se requería en los tiempos de Platón. Pero sí exige ciertos niveles de implicación política para que los políticos sean responsables y rindan cuentas de sus decisiones. Cuando los ciudadanos no tienen altos niveles de compromiso e implicación, ¿acaban eligiendo a los peores políti-cos? La respuesta a esta pregunta tiene una carga normativa que escapa a lo que puede apoyar la evidencia empírica presentada a continuación, sin embargo, sí que permite explorar si una implicación política menor lleva a los ciudadanos a elegir candidatos menos responsables.En un momento de p...

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Political trust, extra-representational participation and the openness of political systems

Cited by 61 publications

References 38 publications

Comparing protests and demonstrators in times of austerity: regular and occasional protesters in universalistic and particularistic mobilisations

Comparing protests and demonstrators in times of austerity: regular and occasional protesters in universalistic and particularistic mobilisations

Correlates of Political Participation

La desafección en las urnas las elecciones generales de 2015 en España

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