2021
DOI: 10.1086/711900
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Political Parties, Interest Groups, and Unequal Class Influence in American Policy

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Cited by 21 publications
(9 citation statements)
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“…28 Before considering how variation 24 Describing interests' preferences using partisanship does not account for ideological distinctions among interests sharing partisan inclinations. However, in polarized environments like those characterizing the Clinton and Obama administrations, interests typically forge partisan ties (Grossmann, Mahmood, and Isaac 2021). 25 "Alphabetical Listing of Industries," Center for Responsive Politics, https://www.opensecrets.org/industries/alphalist.php.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…28 Before considering how variation 24 Describing interests' preferences using partisanship does not account for ideological distinctions among interests sharing partisan inclinations. However, in polarized environments like those characterizing the Clinton and Obama administrations, interests typically forge partisan ties (Grossmann, Mahmood, and Isaac 2021). 25 "Alphabetical Listing of Industries," Center for Responsive Politics, https://www.opensecrets.org/industries/alphalist.php.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As only two recent Democratic administrations have disclosed their visitor logs, this paper cannot directly address how some forms of contextual variation, such as presidents' partisanship and institutional changes affecting presidents' engagement abilities, may condition engagement. In the former case, presidents of both parties face the same engagement incentives, but Republicans' closer alignment with well-resourced business interests could augment the effect of resources on engagement for Republican presidents (Grossmann, Mahmood, and Isaac 2021). In the latter instance, the creation of OPL and its ability to coordinate engagement may enable modern presidents to more efficiently align interactions with interests with their goals than in previous periods.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Since at least Schattschneider (1960), political scientists have been concerned about elite influence in representative institutions. Recently, scholars have focused more attention on whether out-sized economic resources afford political actors privileged access and influence in the policymaking process (Bartels 2008; Bowman 2020; Gilens 2012; Grossmann and Isaac n.d.; Hacker and Pierson 2010; Jacobs and Skocpol 2005; Lax et al 2019; McKay 2018; Schlozman et al 2012). While some have questioned the relationship between economic resources and political clout (Ansolabehere et al 2003; Baumgartner et al 2009; Branham et al 2017; Enns et al 2014; McCarty and Rothenberg 1996; Prasad 2018; Witko et al, 2021), other research has documented that greater economic resources afford wealthy campaign donors and private sector businesses more opportunities to shape public policy (Drutman 2015; Hall and Wayman 1990; Hertel-Fernandez et al 2018; Miler 2010; Miler 2018; McKay 2012; Kalla and Broockman 2016; Page and Gilens 2017).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Politicians and their staffs tend to measure public opinion imprecisely and therefore misperceive their constituents' preferences (Miller and Stokes 1963;Herbst 1998;Broockman and Skovron 2018;Hertel-Fernandez, Mildenberger, and Stokes 2019). They also respond disproportionately to co-partisans, the affluent, and the organized (Bartels 2008;Gilens 2012;Gilens and Page 2014;Lax, Phillips, and Zelizer 2019;Maks-Solomon and Rigby 2019;Wright and Rigby 2020;Grossmann, Isaac, and Mahmood 2021). Not only do these inequalities mark a departure from the democratic ideal that policy corresponds to majority opinion, they raise questions about how politicians learn about their constituents' views in the first place.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%