2017
DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2017.1408670
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Political (non-)reform in the euro crisis and the refugee crisis: a liberal intergovernmentalist explanation

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Cited by 101 publications
(71 citation statements)
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“…Explicitly or implicitly, most accounts of recent crises link up with this motive and investigate the conditions under which crisis prompts integration. Whether adopting an intergovernmentalist (Biermann et al, 2017), a neofunctionalist (Schimmelfennig, 2018), a 'failing forward' (Scipioni, 2017) or a postfunctionalist perspective (Börzel and Risse, 2018), these analyses converge on the assertion that, unlike for the euro area, no meaningful integration steps resulted from the CEAS crisis. Comparing both cases, Schimmelfennig (2018) states that Member States' failure 'to agree on substantial integration progress' in migration policy is mainly due to the weakness of transnational demand and the absence of supranational actors capable of technocratic solutionssuch as, for the euro, the European Central Bank.…”
Section: The Agnostic Frame Of Integration Theorymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Explicitly or implicitly, most accounts of recent crises link up with this motive and investigate the conditions under which crisis prompts integration. Whether adopting an intergovernmentalist (Biermann et al, 2017), a neofunctionalist (Schimmelfennig, 2018), a 'failing forward' (Scipioni, 2017) or a postfunctionalist perspective (Börzel and Risse, 2018), these analyses converge on the assertion that, unlike for the euro area, no meaningful integration steps resulted from the CEAS crisis. Comparing both cases, Schimmelfennig (2018) states that Member States' failure 'to agree on substantial integration progress' in migration policy is mainly due to the weakness of transnational demand and the absence of supranational actors capable of technocratic solutionssuch as, for the euro, the European Central Bank.…”
Section: The Agnostic Frame Of Integration Theorymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Biermann et al . () argue that states with a low number of refugees have no interest in the reform of a system that serves them well. By analysing the establishment of asylum institutions in the 2000s, Parkes (, p. 69) describes how northern member states mobilize their interests in the EC to block most attempts to deepen the CEAS.…”
Section: Non‐cooperation In European Asylum Policymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Based on these assumptions for states and refugees, we model the provision dilemma of humanitarian protection as a European public good. Previous work demonstrates that European asylum policy resembles a prisoner's dilemma (Noll, , ) or a Rambo or suasion game (Biermann et al, ). Whereas the former stresses that the mutual interaction of rational states undermines the provision of humanitarian protection, the latter proposes that asymmetrical power relations between states incentivizes less affected states to avoid cooperation.…”
Section: The Provision Dilemma Of Humanitarian Protectionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…39 A European Border and Coast Guard (EBCG) accountable to the European Parliament and composed of mandatory national contingents has a mandate for border control, coordination with national coastal guards, and rescue missions, albeit short of giving the agency the right to return migrants and deploy coastal guards. 40 Postfunctionalism places the migration crisis in the context of domestic politicization in order to explain why transnational pressure was weak and why so many governments were unwilling to system, which would include a permanent relocation scheme at times of crisis, are deadlocked (Paravicini and Herszenhorn 2018;Biermann et al 2017: 14; Börzel and Risse 2018; Schimmelfennig 2018a; Zaun 2018). 35 Niemann and Speyer 2018; Niemann and Zaun 2018; Scipioni 2017.…”
Section: The Migration Crisismentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For astute analyses using liberal intergovernmentalism as a baseline, seeSchimmelfennig (2015) andBiermann et al (2017).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%