2014
DOI: 10.1017/s004388711400001x
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Political Machines at Work Voter Mobilization and Electoral Subversion in the Workplace

Abstract: IntroductIon a utocrats conduct semicompetitive elections in order to coopt opponents, garner legitimacy, gather information on society, and gauge the performance of subordinates. 1 Most contemporary electoral authoritarian regimes limit their use of ballot-box stuffing and widespread repression precisely so that they can obtain these benefits. 2 how, then, do autocrats win those elections?to be sure, autocrats increase government spending before elections in an effort to buy public support, but sharing rents … Show more

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Cited by 203 publications
(96 citation statements)
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“…Pre-electoral manipulations are widespread in settings where the electorate is dependent on the public sector for welfare payments, subsidies, or contracts; in backward rural settings; or those reliant on national fiscal transfers. Under such conditions, political machine bosses or enterprise managers routinely pressurise the electorate to agree to vote for particular candidates in exchange for jobs, promises of job security, salaries, or public contracts (Frye, Reuter et al 2014;Gervasoni 2010;Gibson 2013;Hale 2007;Rigger 2007;Sharafutdinova 2011;Stokes 2007;Wilkinson 2007). In clientelistic settings, voters are often compliant, knowing that private rewards will accrue to them if they vote as instructed.…”
Section: Theoretical Framework and Hypothesesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Pre-electoral manipulations are widespread in settings where the electorate is dependent on the public sector for welfare payments, subsidies, or contracts; in backward rural settings; or those reliant on national fiscal transfers. Under such conditions, political machine bosses or enterprise managers routinely pressurise the electorate to agree to vote for particular candidates in exchange for jobs, promises of job security, salaries, or public contracts (Frye, Reuter et al 2014;Gervasoni 2010;Gibson 2013;Hale 2007;Rigger 2007;Sharafutdinova 2011;Stokes 2007;Wilkinson 2007). In clientelistic settings, voters are often compliant, knowing that private rewards will accrue to them if they vote as instructed.…”
Section: Theoretical Framework and Hypothesesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…List experiments have been shown to elicit more truthful answers in such circumstances. They have been used to great effect in the study of a variety of sensitive topics, including racial attitudes (Gilens, Sniderman and Kuklinski, 1998), self-reported voter turnout (Holbrook and Krosnick, 2010), and voter fraud/election irregularities in Lebanon (Corstange, 2012), Nicaragua (Gonzalez-Ocantos et al, 2012), and Russia (Frye, Reuter and Szakonyi, 2014). 12…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Non-design processes have been studied extensively in the political science literature but less systematically in the policy sciences (Frye, Reuter, & Szakonyi, 2012;Gans-Morse, Mazzuca, & Nichter, 2014;Goodin, 1980;Saward, 1992) despite their prevalence and importance in many areas. While it is not necessary to include them in a spectrum of design work, they can be appended to a spectrum of formulation types by moving from those types of non-design work which are compatible with at least some aspects of instrumental design activities-such as bargaining among affected interests over elements of otherwise carefully designed policy alternatives-to those-such as pure electoral opportunism or corruption-where party, leader or individual self-interest replace policy instrumentalism altogether (see Figure 2).…”
Section: Poor Political Non-design Space Only Poorly Informed Non-desmentioning
confidence: 99%