Political Identity, Type of Victim, and Hate Crime‐Related Beliefs as Predictors of Views Concerning Hate Crime Penalty Enhancement Laws

Cramer, Robert J.; Laxton, Kelsey; Chandler, Joseph F.; Kehn, Andre; Bate, Brittany P.; Clark, John W.

doi:10.1111/asap.12140

Cited by 8 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 42 publications

(108 reference statements)

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“…The second hypothesis was supported in that HCBS-SF subscale scores were in line with politically conservative versus liberal party affiliation. Our findings provide a quantitative extension of Cramer and colleagues ( 2017 ), who reported qualitative findings about hate crime related attitudes. Political conservatism was particularly linked to legal arguments against hate crime laws, whereas political liberalism was connected to negative views of hate crime perpetrators.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 82%

“…Second, a study examining the link between political orientation and support for hate crime law penalty enhancements highlight the importance of beliefs about hate crimes. Cramer and colleagues ( 2017 ) found that political conservatism was associated with less support for punishment aspects of hate crime laws. Further, the link between political conservatism and lack of hate crime law support was explained by narrative legal arguments such as hate crimes being treated as all other crimes.…”

Section: Measurement Of Hate Crime Beliefsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For example, perceived blame toward a hate crime perpetrator (Cramer et al, 2013a ) and perceived malice of a victim in a hate crime event (Cramer et al, 2013c ) impact punishment decisions. Elaborating on these patterns, Cramer and colleagues (Cramer et al 2017 ) assessed narrative explanations of support for hate crime penalty enhancement laws, finding negative views toward offenders yielded favorable views about the laws, whereas persons articulating basic legal explanations (e.g., “all crimes should be treated equally”) were less likely to support these laws.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Assessing attitudes about hate: Further validation of the hate crime beliefs scale

et al. 2022

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The Hate Crime Beliefs Scale (HCBS) is an assessment of attitudes about hate crime laws, offenders, and victims. The original HCBS includes four subscales (negative beliefs, offender punishment, deterrence, and victim harm), while a shortened and modified version from the United Kingdom (UK; HCBS-UK) consists of three subscales (denial, sentencing, and compassion). We conducted a psychometric test of the HCBS in order to identify a best fitting structure with possible item reduction. A total of 463 participants completed the original HCBS, measures of social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and demographic questions. Factor analyses revealed good fit of the data for a Hate Crime Beliefs Scale-Short Form (HCBS-SF), largely modeled after the HCBS-UK. The three subscales were: denial (i.e., downplaying hate crime severity and low support for hate crime laws), sentencing (i.e., support for more punitive offender punishment), and compassion (i.e., understanding and concern for victims). All subscales possessed acceptable internal consistency. The denial subscale was positively associated with RWA subscale and SDO scores. The sentencing and compassion subscales were significantly negatively correlated with SDO and RWA subscale scores. Republicans held the least supportive views of hate crime laws, concern for victims, and punishment of offenders. Data underscore the importance of evaluating hate crime beliefs in public opinion and other contexts. The HCBS-SF better captures hate crime related attitudes than the previously developed longer version of the HCBS.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 82%

Section: Measurement Of Hate Crime Beliefsmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Assessing attitudes about hate: Further validation of the hate crime beliefs scale

et al. 2022

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“…In the past few decades, political scientists have tapped these theories to examine how social identity shapes political attitudes and mobilization (Monroe, Hankin, and Van Vechten 2000; Kalin and Sambanis 2018). The resulting literature has become rich, increasingly sophisticated, and vast, including applications to policy-related beliefs (Conover 1984; Citrin, Reingold, and Green 1990; Kinder and Winter 2001; Schmermund et al 2001; Hurwitz, Peffley, and Mondak 2015; Cramer et al 2017; Cramer et al 2017), political participation (Leighley 1996; Greene 1999; Schildkraut 2005; Miller and Conover 2015; Achen and Bartels 2016), and even distinctive forms of political identity (Huddy 2001).…”

Section: Social Identity and Guns: Building Theorymentioning

confidence: 99%

Clinging to Guns and Religion? A Research Note Testing the Role of Protestantism in Shaping Gun Identity in the United States

Vegter

Dulk²

2020

Politics and Religion

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How does social identity shape Protestant attitudes about guns in the United States? Numerous studies show that religion shapes attitudes about guns, but the role of Protestantism in forming those attitudes is undertheorized and undertested. We draw from the extensive literature on religion-as-identity and the burgeoning literature of gun-ownership-as-identity to test the theory about the role of Protestant religion in cultivating a gun identity. We argue that for many Protestants, gun ownership has taken on the characteristics of a distinctive social identity, but that there are clear differences between different types of Protestants—notably, evangelicals and mainliners—that render the expansive category of “Protestant” largely irrelevant as an explanatory variable. While that finding might seem straightforward to scholars of religion and politics, the broad categorical approach—that is, treating “Protestant” as explanatory—has proven surprisingly durable in studies of gun ownership and attitudes about gun control. The analysis uses a recent Pew survey with batteries of questions about gun identity, gun policy, and religion. While this research note does not fully test why this relationship between Protestantism and gun identity exists, we do show that the relationship not only exists but also affects gun policy attitudes.

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“…Yet, while most states have enacted laws—in varying forms—to combat the negative consequences associated with hate crimes, public support for hate crime laws has been considerably more mixed (Cramer et al, 2017; Hart-Teeter, 1999a, 1999b; Johnson & Byers, 2003; Steen & Cohen, 2004). While estimates vary, prior research has indicated that roughly two-thirds to three-quarters of Americans are supportive of hate crime laws (Cramer et al, 2017; Hart & Teeter, 1999a, 1999b; Johnson & Byers, 2003; Steen & Cohen, 2004). This means that while most Americans agree that it is important to have hate crime laws, approximately one third of Americans still do not support such legislation.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Politics or prejudice? Separating the influence of political affiliation and prejudicial attitudes in determining support for hate crime law.

Malcom¹,

Wenger²,

Lantz³

2023

Psychology, Public Policy, and Law

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Hate crime legislation is a divisive issue in America. While many Americans agree that hate crime laws are necessary, roughly one-third of Americans do not support such legislation. Some research suggests that one reason for this variation in support may be differences in political attitudes. Other research suggests that variation in support may be attributable to differences in prejudicial attitudes toward those minority groups that hate crime laws are intended to protect. Importantly, however, prior research has also indicated a relationship between political affiliation and prejudice, yet research has not considered the potential for there to be a joint relationship between prejudice, political affiliation, and hate crime law support. Following this, the current research examined these relationships using data from 1,935 survey respondents across the United States who voted in the 2016 election, shared who they voted for, and expressed opinions regarding hate crime laws. Our results indicated at least three important findings. First, we found that political attitudes were uniquely associated with hate crime law support, such that more conservative voters were less likely to support hate crime laws. Second, indicators of anti-Hispanic, anti-Asian, and anti-Black prejudice were each negatively associated with hate crime law support. Finally, each of these prejudicial attitude measures significantly mediated the association between political affiliation and hate crime law support. These results suggest that politically conservative resistance to these laws may be partially rooted in prejudicial attitudes. By understanding these patterns, this research can inform important policy debates surrounding these issues moving forward.

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Political Identity, Type of Victim, and Hate Crime‐Related Beliefs as Predictors of Views Concerning Hate Crime Penalty Enhancement Laws

Cited by 8 publications

References 42 publications

Assessing attitudes about hate: Further validation of the hate crime beliefs scale

Assessing attitudes about hate: Further validation of the hate crime beliefs scale

Clinging to Guns and Religion? A Research Note Testing the Role of Protestantism in Shaping Gun Identity in the United States

Politics or prejudice? Separating the influence of political affiliation and prejudicial attitudes in determining support for hate crime law.

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