Political Efficacy of Emerging Elites in Post-Socialist Countries: The Impact of Disciplinary Culture and Political Opportunities

Dimitrova‐Grajzl, Valentina; Simon, Eszter; Fischer, Alex

doi:10.1007/s11300-010-0171-1

Cited by 6 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 24 publications

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“…Previous studies have shown that increasing citizens' knowledge of political corruption can lead them to disengage from politics and decrease turnout (Chong, De La O, Karlan, & Wantchekon, 2015;Stockemer, LaMontagne, & Scruggs, 2013). Individuals are less likely to vote if they believe the regime is corrupt because police erode political efficacy, 4 which affects citizens' capacity for collective action and desire to participate (Dimitrova-Grajzl, Simon, & Fischer, 2010). If citizens believe the security forces are corrupt, they are less likely to view the state as legitimate (Seligson, 2002), as has been shown in Afghanistan (Torabi & Delesgues, 2007).…”

Section: Our Approachmentioning

confidence: 99%

Damaging democracy? Security provision and turnout in Afghan elections^†

Condra

Callen²,

Iyengar

et al. 2019

Economics & Politics

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In emerging democracies, elections are encouraged as a route to democratization. However, not only does violence often threaten these elections, but citizens often view as corrupt the security forces deployed to combat violence. We examine the effects of such security provision. In Afghanistan's 2010 parliamentary election, polling centers with similar histories of pre‐election violence unintentionally received different deployments of the Afghan National Police, enabling identification of police's effects on turnout. Using data from the universe of polling sites and various household surveys, data usually unavailable in conflict settings, we estimate increases in police presence decreased voter turnout by an average of 30%. Our results adjudicate between competing theoretical mechanisms through which security forces could affect turnout, and show behavior is not driven by voter anticipation of election‐day violence. This highlights a pitfall for building government legitimacy via elections in weakly institutionalized and conflict‐affected states.

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Section: Our Approachmentioning

confidence: 99%

Damaging democracy? Security provision and turnout in Afghan elections^†

Condra

Callen²,

Iyengar

et al. 2019

Economics & Politics

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show abstract

“…Pooling data from both consolidated and transitional democracies, Rose (2004) also concludes that the lack of trust in parties and national governments contributed to lower voter turnout in elections to the European Parliament. When it comes to political efficacy, the connection between beliefs about the meaningfulness of voting and participation is demonstrated in several studies (see Dimitrova‐Grajzl, Simon, and Fischer 2009 for further discussion). Moreover, it is internal efficacy that is shown to exert a stronger positive impact on political behavior.…”

Section: Corruption Political Efficacy and Votingmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Transitional democracies are especially susceptible to the corrosive effects of corruption, because citizens who suffer extreme economic hardships feel betrayed by politicians shamelessly stealing from the state. Some people start to "internal efficacy" that is defined as an individual's belief that he/she can understand and can effectively take part in the political process (Dimitrova-Grajzl, Simon, and Fischer 2009;Karp and Banducci 2008). For the purpose of this study, the focus is on internal efficacy, which reflects doubts about citizens' political aptitude.…”

Section: Corruption Political Efficacy and Votingmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…3 3 Scholars emphasize that the concept of “political efficacy” has two components: (1) “external efficacy” that refers to individual assessments about the responsiveness of the government, and (2) “internal efficacy” that is defined as an individual's belief that he/she can understand and can effectively take part in the political process (Dimitrova‐Grajzl, Simon, and Fischer 2009; Karp and Banducci 2008). For the purpose of this study, the focus is on internal efficacy, which reflects doubts about citizens' political aptitude. …”

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confidence: 99%

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Abstain or Rebel: Corruption Perceptions and Voting in East European Elections

Kostadinova

2009

Politics & Policy

105

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This paper argues that corruption, threatening democratic governance in the new democracies of Eastern Europe, is another influential determinant of voter turnout. I hypothesize that its impact is complex in that it generates distinct incentives for participation. A recursive model of voting specifies a direct effect where voters get mobilized to bring to power politicians of greater integrity, and an indirect effect in which perceptions of corruption corrode faith in the democratic process and consequently, depress voting. The analysis uses CSES survey data from eight post‐communist countries and the results provide empirical support for the theoretical model. The results also suggest that at least in 2001‐05, the two opposing incentives for voting balanced each other out, with a slight gain for the mobilization effect. Este artículo argumenta que la amenaza de la corrupción dentro de los gobiernos democráticos de Europa del Este es un factor influyente en la participación de votantes. Planteo que su impacto es complejo puesto que genera incentivos contrapuestos para la participación. Un modelo de voto recursivo especifica un efecto directo donde los votantes se movilizan para llevar al poder a los políticos de mayor integridad, y un efecto indirecto en el cual las percepciones de corrupción corroen la fe en el proceso democrático y en consecuencia, reduce el voto. El análisis utiliza la investigación de datos del Estudio Comparativo de los Sistemas Electorales (CSES, por sus siglas en inglés) de ocho países post‐comunistas y los resultados proveen el respaldo empírico para el modelo teórico. Los resultados sugieren también que por lo menos en 2001‐05, los dos incentivos opuestos para el voto se equilibran mutuamente, con un ligero triunfo del efecto de la movilización.

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“…Or, as Linek defines it (2016: 53), "a belief in one's ability to understand and participate in politics, and an interest in doing so. " Consequently, internal political efficacy is recognised as an important determinant of political participation (Dimitrova-Grajzl et al, 2010). In this analysis, due to limitations related to the data, we opted not to measure internal political efficacy, but internal political inefficacy.…”

Section: Serbia In Comparative Perspectivementioning

confidence: 99%

Political disaffection and disengagement in Serbia

2021

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The aim of this paper is to examine the extent of political disaffection and disengagement of Serbian citizens from a comparative European perspective, as well as to explore the relationships between two phenomena and determine the effects of several potential predictors (structural inequalities, gender, generational differences, urban environment, political awareness and competences, national and European identification, and political discontent) on different aspects of political disaffection and disengagement. In order to do so, we have used European Social Survey data (9th round, 2018), and singled out four different subdimensions of political disaffection and disengagement: assessment of responsiveness of the political system (external political efficacy), institutional trust, assessment of individual interest in politics and capabilities to engage in political processes (internal political efficacy), and the level of actual political engagement (political participation). The aim of the paper is to shed light on different systemic, structural and conjunctural factors that may contribute to shaping political attitudes and patterns of actions in contemporary Serbia and pose several theoretical and research questions that need further investigation.

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Political Efficacy of Emerging Elites in Post-Socialist Countries: The Impact of Disciplinary Culture and Political Opportunities

Abstract: Political efficacy, Disciplinary culture, Political opportunity structure, Early life socialization, Socialism, Emerging elites, P2, L3, Z0,

Cited by 6 publications

References 24 publications

Damaging democracy? Security provision and turnout in Afghan elections^†

Damaging democracy? Security provision and turnout in Afghan elections^†

Abstain or Rebel: Corruption Perceptions and Voting in East European Elections

Political disaffection and disengagement in Serbia

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Political Efficacy of Emerging Elites in Post-Socialist Countries: The Impact of Disciplinary Culture and Political Opportunities

Abstract: Political efficacy, Disciplinary culture, Political opportunity structure, Early life socialization, Socialism, Emerging elites, P2, L3, Z0,

Cited by 6 publications

References 24 publications

Damaging democracy? Security provision and turnout in Afghan elections†

Damaging democracy? Security provision and turnout in Afghan elections†

Abstain or Rebel: Corruption Perceptions and Voting in East European Elections

Political disaffection and disengagement in Serbia

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About

Damaging democracy? Security provision and turnout in Afghan elections^†

Damaging democracy? Security provision and turnout in Afghan elections^†